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lord-general Cromwell, attended by some fol


to si de Sale of the lands of the fee of York )

in the years 1647, 1648, 1649, { 63786 7 11

1650, 1651, -
Durham, in the same years,

68121 15 9

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Chefiar, . . - 1129 18 4

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From this fome tolerable guess may be made of the va-
lue of the rest of the bishops lands, which are those of
the province of Canterbury, consisting of that archbi-
Thopric and twenty one bishoprics. A proposal,
some years since, by a nameless writer, was made for (i) The
• vesting the whole present property of the church in Štate prefe-
ç England and Ireland in the crown, not to enrich or rable to the

Church, po
! add to its power, but as a trustee for the people, who 12. 8vo."
! should be always uppermost in the consideration of all Lond. 1748.
• true lovers of their country (j). Is it essentially
? necessary,' says that author, that bishops should have

three, four, five, fix, seven, eight, nine and ten ? thousand pounds a year? Is it necessary that an arch

bishop should die worth go ooo l. besides providing

very honourably for his family, in consequence of : his power and influence? Is it necessary that one ! churchman shall enjoy a string of benefices, while

numbers have none and starve? I am willing to sup-
? pose episcopacy to be an essential branch of the chrif-
? cian system ; and therefore hold the order in all the
• veneration due to it. But I cannot bring myself to
" think that the Holy Ghost delights more to abide with
! them in coaches and palaces, and in parliament, than if
• they had abided by the primitive simple way of living,

practised and inculcated by the apostles. I am no less
willing that our prelates retain their seats in parlia-

( ment,

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diers and officers, entered the house, up


« ment, if it shall be thought that they have been al« ways heretofore inspired with the spirit of truth and · « righteousness in their legislative capacity. But ad(mitting, as I do very willingly, that our good lords • the bishops add a lustre to the upper house, will they • shine the less there for being placed more on the le( vel with each other than they are at present? The

poorest of them can afford clean lawn sleeves in their

present situation ; and if the two metropolitans should • be levelled to an annual stipend of 1500 h. each, (and their respective suffragans to icool. I don't see • but they might keep a coach in parliament time, not« withstanding the duty on carriage wheels, provided

they reside with their flocks the rest of the year. Is it neceflary that the bifhoprics and other church

livings of Ireland, a cheap and plentiful country, • Tould exceed even those in England ? or, is it ne( cessary, that, in the north of that kingdom, where - there are scarce ten protettants of the episcopal church

in a whole parilh, many of the incumbents should • posless livings of four, fix, and eight hundred pounds • a year? It is no uncommon fight in that country, to • see a parfon preach, I should say, read prayers, preach• ing being disused, to his clerk, and such of his own • family as had accompanied him from the parfonage • house in his coach and four. Though the va'ue of • livings in that kingdom be well known to our clergy,,

who are never wanting to themselves in pushing their way • thither, where they baskin plenty and ease, it would seem " as if our statesmen had acquired none or very little • knowledge of the treasure that might be raised there

by sale of the present poffeffions of the church. "To mention but the primacy there, lately conferred . on a very young churchman, but, I suppose, of dis! tinguished piety and erudition, it would sell, at twen• ty years purchase only, for above 200,000l. no contemptible aid to a bleeding country, obliged to raise above

braided the members, turned the speaker


es fably this we are beir belief of overfond

• ten millions annually, though already above four-score

« in debt. From this specimen may be seen how great-cly the trading and industrious part of the people, that

ris, the laity, might be eased, if the revenues of the < church, tithes and all, were put to sale, and the s purchase money applied to the uses of the public.

And, surely, in a time of such danger and difficulty s as the present, no good subject can warrant opposing

the carrying so salutary a scheme into execution. 'Tis

probablé our open foreign, and native secret enemies • might oppose such a healing scheme; but except the « French and Spaniards abroad, and our popith fellow< subjects at home, I cannot persuade myself that it I would meet with the least oppofition. Our protestant • laicy would unanimously assent to it ; and as for the

clergy, if their suffrages were taken colle&tively, I I will answer for it, the majority would be with (8) The sme (k).' Poflibly this writer would have found him. Stato, &c.!, self mistaken; for, as there are but few of the inferior P. 14. . clergy void of hope, founded on their belief of their own merit, of preferment, these would not be overfond of the scheme : and as for the dignified ones, they, would naturally, one and all, cry out against it, as a breach of the alliance between church and state, which they would fain persuade us is productive of many happy consequences to society. The ignorant laity, for any thing I know to the contrary, might be pleased with the carrying such a scheme into execution. After this brief detail of the great actions of the parliament at home and abroad, it is not to be admired that they met with the applause of the ableft and best judges.

To what the reader will find in the note (NN) it will be
proper to add the opinion of the old chancellor Oxen-
piern of Sweden, a name of the highest renown for po-
litical abilities in the age in which he lived, the same,
whose affairs we are now treating of. It is mentioned
from M. Chanut, both in the appendix to Keysler's Tra-


out of the chair (ww), and put an end, for the present, to the supream authority of


vels, and in Bisnage's Annals of the United-Provinces. < Oxenstiern indeed blamed the extream barbarity com* mitted on the person of the late King of cing and, but 6 commended and admired almost every part of the o plan of that great design which the parliament had • formed.'. Bajnage adds, that he said, it had been « conducted with distinguished prudence, and that those < who then governed in England, acted upon such • principles of policy as were founded in truth and ex• perience *.'- Such readers as are unprejudiced, will not, after this, think, I am persuaded, that Mr. Hume has done justice to the parliament in the following character: · Th se men, says he, had not that large I thought, nor comprehensive views, which might qua

lify them for acting the part of leginators : selfish

aims and bigotry chiefly engroffed their attention. (1) History « They carried their rigid austerity so far as to enact of.creat, I laws. declaring fornication, after the first act, to be ii. p. 32. • felony, without benefit of clergy (?). Is this a likeCompare ness? Let facts determine. Undoubtedly their this with

och. law, with respect to fornication, was much too rigid. is. p. 453. But, from a single instance, to take a character, is and the quo- hardly allowable. To be able to see only one disatation from Warburton Srceable oujoni anongal

greeable objet amongst several more fair and equally in the note obvious, argues, indeed, to use this gentleman's own

expressions, no large thought or comprehensive views.

If ever men were qualified for acting the part of legislators, these were they.. And whoever will excel as fuch, must copy after them in the main of their conduct. · (ww) Cromwell entered the house, and put a period, for a time, to the commonwealth.] Many republicks,' fays an excellent writer, have, with length of time,

Le facte benefit of Mal after the files to enact

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..See Ifaiah Puffendorf's Observations on the Resolution of the last Swedish dict, &c. in the Appendix to Keyser's Travels, vol. iv, p. 5). and Bainage's Annals of the United- Provinces, vol. i. p. 243.


the commonwealth of England. It is not


fallen back into despotick governments. This seems ' to be a calamity that inevitably happens to every free

government sooner or later. And, indeed, how can • it perpetually refift every thing that faps and fup

plants? How can it always check the ambition of ' those great men whom it produces, and harbours in

its bolom? How can it always watch againit the • dark and secret practices and machinations of its

neighbours, or against the corruption of its own mem• bers, while interest prevails in the world over every

other motive? How should it expect always to come • off with success in the wars it must needs undertake

and support for its security? or prevent those danger• ous conjunctures, those critical and decisive moments, I when its liberty is at stake, or those unforeseen accia • dents that animate and favour the wicked and auda

cious? If any armies are commanded by timid and

unskilful generals, it falls a prey to any enemies ; if " they are headed by bold and successful commanders, • these will be as dangerous in times of peace, as they

were useful and beneficial during the war. There • are few, if any republicks, but have risen from the

abyss of tyranny to freedom, and from thence have "funk again into the dregs of servitude. The same Athenians, who, in the times of Demofthenes, proI voked and insulted Philip of Macedon, crouched to

Alexander. The Romans, who abhorred royalty, and

expelled their kings, suffered, some ages after, the • most horrible oppression and cruelties from their emperrors. And the same Englishmen who rebelled against, • imprisoned, and beheaded Charles I. submissively bore (m) Anti• the galling yoke of a protector (m). I have already Machiavel, observed that the victory at Worcester, so fatal to the P: 97.

tal to me Lond. 1741. affairs of Charles II. probably inspired Cromwell with the ambition of lording it over his masters, and seizing the sovereignty. Flushed with success the brave and ambitious aspire higher and higher, and dare adventure


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