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he rivaled the greateft of the English mo


berty. So that if Cromwell conquered any party, it (a). Cow " was only that again't which he was sent, and what ley's Dire course con

e con that was must appear by his commission (a).' As to serning Oli- the distracted state of affairs, by reason of the diffolu. Hiver Crom- tion of the government, and the tendency all things had wel', p. 80.

" to confusion, Mr. Cowley, with his usual fpirit, says,

6 The government was broke; Who broke it? It was • diffolved; Who diffolved it? It was extinguished; 6. Who was it but Cromwell, who not only put out the

light, but caft away even the very fnuff of it? As if "a man should murder a whole family, and then por

( fess himself of the whole house, because 'tis better (3) Id. p. 82. ó that he, than that only rats should live there (b).'

However, though Cromwell probably was blameworthy for turning out his masters and diffolving the government, yet as things were, there seems to have been hardly any remedy fo ready at hand for the establishment of peace and order, as his assuming the fovereignty, and exerting the power he had got into his hands for the good and benefit of the three nations. All other power, through his means indeed, was extinguished; but there was a necessity for some sovereignty or other to be erect. ed, that men might not be forced upon new civil wars. And who but Cromwe.I was capable of this? Who lo fit, in his own eye at least, to exercise it? But let us attend to the reasons which were given by the prorector's order, or at least approbation, for this new settlement. They are contained in a small tract, intitled

A true state of the case of the commonwealth of to London, England, &c. in reference to the late established governprinted for ment, by a Lord Protector and parliament (c).'—After Newcon b,

having spoken concerning the various tranfactions during 1654.

the war; the consequences thereof; the authority and government of the long parliament'; the carriage and resignation of the next chosen; and severely cenfured many of the principles professed by some of its mem. bers: it goes on to say, "Wherefore upon these, and


narchs in glory, and made himself courted


« divers confiderations, it was agreed to come to some such • solid and certain course of settlement, as might hereafter « bar up the way against those manifold inconveniences, · which we have felt under other Aleeting forms, and re6 duce us (as near as may be, with most convenience)

to our antient way of government by supream magi6 strates and parliaments. And of this nature is the • form now established, and already made publick. But 6 to the end this may be made clear and manifest, we

Thall in the next place discourse fomewhat concerning Sit in general, and then descend to particulars. In ges.

neral, we say; that as this last change hath been made • upon the same grounds of reason and equity, that ne.

ceffitated all foregoing changes in the outward forms, • and was admitted of absolute necessity to save a sink

ing nation out of the gulph of misery and confusion, • caused by the changeable counsels and corrupt interest o of other men, who violated their principles, and brake • the trust committed to them : so none of those former • alterations did so truly make good, or so fully provide

for the security of those great ends of religion and li

berty, which were as the blood and spirits running I through every vein of the parliament and army's de

clarations ; so that though the commonwealth may now appear with a new face in the outward form,

yet it remains still the same in substance, and is of a • better complexion and constitution than heretofore. • And if we take a survey of the whole together, we • find the foundation of this government laid in che peo.

ple. Who hath the power of altering old laws, or making new? The people in parliament; without " them nothing of this nature can be done; they are to

be governed only by such laws as they have chosen, I or shall chuse, and not to have any imposed upon I them. Then who is to administer or govern accord.

ing to those laws, and see them put in execution ? • Not a person claiming an hereditary right of fove.


• reignty, or power over the lives and liberties of the

nation by birth, allowing the people neither right nor

liberty, but what depends upon royal grant and plea• sure, according to the tenor of that prerogative chal

lenged heretofore by the Kings of England; under ' whom, if the commonalty enjoyed any thing they I might call their own, it was not to be so much esteem« ed a matter of right, as a boon and effect of grace s and favour. But the government now is to be ma

naged by a person that is elective, and that election must take its rise originally and virtually from the peo.

ple, as we shall fully evince by and by, in particular,

" and shew that all power, both legislative and execu(d) Case of " tive, doth flow from the community ; than which there the Commonwealth,


cannot be greater evidence of publick freedom (d).' D. 27. ' We see our friends have taken in the good of all

" the three forts of government, and bound them all c in one. If war be, here is the unitive virtue (but no

thing else) of monarchy to encounter it; and here is « the admirable counsel of aristocrafie to manage it: . • if peace be, here is the industry and courage of de(mocrasie to improve it. And whereas in the present o constitution, the legislative and executive powers are • seperated; the former being vested in a constant fuc• cession of parliaments elective by the people, the lat« ter in an elective Lord Protector and his successors,

atlisted by a council; we conceive the state of this & commonwealth reduced to so just a temper, that the ..ills either of successive parliaments, furnished with '.power both of executing and making laws, or of a

perpetual parliament, (which are division, faction,

and confufion) being avoided on the one side, and the - inconveniences of an absolute lordly power on the other; • the frame of government appears so well bounded on • both sides, that we hope it may now (through the « blessing of God) prove a seasonable mean (as for the

better defending these dominions against enemies a. broad, and promoting our interest in foreign parts, so

also) of peace and settlement to this distracted nation ; (*) Id. P. and be of durable continuance to succeeding ages (*).' 51. In this manner was the erection of the protectorate de


fended. By the same writer we find it endeavoured to
be proved, “That by this settlement all the grand a&ts.
s of sovereignty were either immediately, or influentially
< lodged in the people ; and that the objections against
s it were ill founded. After which follows a little pa-
negyric'on Cromwell and his new government, in the
following words: • As touching the person, whom the
« Lord hath now advanced and fet over us to be our su-

pream magistrate, we shall not say much, because he • seeks not the praise of men ; only we believe even the < enemies will confess that he is every way worthy to rule, 6 whom God hath been pleased to use as his instrument

in that glorious work of redeeming the liberties of his

people ; for we are bold to say (weighing all circum6 stances together) that this nation was never really free, < nor in a way of enjoying its freedom fo fully as now; « so that there wants nothing but a cordial close with the

government, to destroy all hopes of the common ene- (c) Cate of 6 my, and compleat our happiness (C). This piece the Comis referred to by Cromwell for fatisfaction concerning *

in monwealthing

1.5 p. 47• his government, in one of his speeches to the parlia-*** ment (f), and it was also translated into Latin, for aSe

a lamentary justification abroad. What force there is in it, the rea- Hiftory, vol. der may form fome judgment by the above extracts. xx. p. 419. - No fooner had the inauguration of Cromwell been performed, but he and his council had several appli<cations and addresses made to them from divers confi• derable places, acknowledging his power and govern- () Whit• ment, and promising obedience to it (8). Indeed lock, pthere was an almost universal acquiescence for the pre-579. fent, as is owned by a mortal foe to Cromwell, in the following passage. That which disposed the minds of < the people to abstain from a present protestation against « this government, besides the agony of the late cons fusions, and the astonishinent upon the new wonder6 ful alteration, was, that it was but temporary, and " that limited to a very short time; a free parliament < was to be called within so many months, which was s entirely to consider and settle the government of the

kingdom, and to remove all those obftructions which • Binder the peace and happiness of the nation, and to

6 re


and dreaded (AAA) by the nations around



restore it to that tranquillity and quiet it had been so (5) Letter " long deprived of: and the protector was sworn to a from a true and lawful due observation of all those articles, which he had Member of " himself prescribed for bis own rules and bounds, and

ent, therefore the more hope that he would be contented to one of the Lords of his to be limited by them (b).'-— The truth is, by the

Highnesses power and artifice of Oliver the government of England · Councel. po had been dissolved, and a new one was now erected, 53. 4to. 16;6.

which promised fair enough for the preservation and hap. piness of the community. Nothing therefore remained for the people to do, but to submit unto it, and make the best of it. The obligation of subjects to the so• vereign, lays Mr. Hobbs, is understood to last as long, • and no longer, than the power lasteth, by which he ' is able to protect them. For the right men have by ' nature to protect themselves, when none else can pro

teet them, can by no covenant be relinquished. The

sovereignty is the soul of the coinmonwealth ; which ' once departed from the body, the members do no

more receive their motion from it. The end of obe• dience is protection; which, wheresoever a man reeth cit, either in his own, or in another's sword, nature

applyeth his obedience to it, and his endeavour to s maintain it. And though sovereignty, in the intenition of them that make it, be immortal; yet it is in

its own nature, not only subject to violent death, but

foreign war; but also through the ignorance and pale (i) Levia. fions of men, it hath in it, from the very inftitution, than, p.

1. ' many seeds of natural mortality, by inteftine dilo Lond. 1651.' cord ().' .

(AAA) He rivaled the greatest of our monarchs in gliry, and made himself, courted and dreaded by the nations around him.] 'lf chere ever appeared in any state, says Wicquefort, a chief who was at the same time both

tyrant and usurper, most certainly Oliver Cromwell was < such : and yet for all that, never was there an usurper « so folemnly acknowledged. Immediately after the

op death

114. Fol

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