the inequality between the two crowns was far

Thefe propofitions were communicated to Oliver by those who met Don Alonfo thereupon; but his own • inclinations being not for any conjunction with Spayne, they were only therefore difcourfed of, but the anfwere thereunto was delayed.

France, during this time, did alfo make knowne by monfieur Bourdeaux their defires of holding a good understanding with Oliver, and founded his inclina⚫tions of a nearer conjunction with France, and monfieur de Baas was fent immediately from the cardinall, and as his confident, to affure Oliver of his particular • fervice. And both the one and the other did exprefs the defires that France had of entering into a league defenfive and offenfive with England, and of proceeding by joint counfels towards Spayne; and that if England will either joyne their arms to France, or make war against Spayne upon their own bottom, they would contribute to the charge; defiring, in the mean tyme, that the former treatys between these two states may be renewed. To all this general anfwers were given, expreffing very good intentions. towards France; and I do not remember, that any thing more particular was faid at this time, nor during all the time that monfieur de Baas ftayed here; who was commanded to depart this country, upon intelligence, that he had intrigues here with feveral perfons, tending to the publick disturbance.

.

6

Don Alonfo receiving no answer to his propofitions, ⚫ and perceiving a coldness in that bufinefs, fignified to Oliver, that the intention of his mafter was not to engage England in a war against France, in cafe the prefent government found it not to be for their own intereft; but that his chief hope was to maintaine a 'conftant good intelligence with England. And there'fore propounded, that the former alliances may be renewed, as the first step towards a nearer union. Accordingly commiffioners were affigned to treat with

Bb 3

• him

far enough from being then as visible as it

af

him thereupon, and feverall conferences there were 6 upon the concept of a treaty, moftly drawne out of the treaty of 1630. Amongst other difficulties these three following were the chief.

1. Touching the Weft-Indies, the debate whereof was occafioned upon the first article of the aforefaid treaty of 1630, whereby it is agreed, that there fhould be a peace, amity and friendship between the two Kings, and their refpective fubjects, in all parts of the world, as well in Europe as elsewhere. Upon this it was fhewed, that, in contravention of this article, the English were treated by the Spanyards as enemies, wherever they were, met in America, though fayling to and from their owne plantations; and infifted that fatisfaction was to be given in this, and a good foun⚫dation of friendship lay'd in those parts for the future between their respective subjects (the English there being very confiderable, and whofe fafety and intereft the government here ought to provide for) or else there ⚫ could be no folid or lafting peace established between these two states in Europe.

་

2. The fecond difference was touching the inquifition, the danger whereof all our Engiifh merchants, trading in Spayne, were expofed to. And in that it C was defired, that out of the article, which related to the English merchants exercife of their religion in Spayne, thofe words might be omitted (modo ne dent fcandalum) and that liberty might be granted to the faid merchants to have and ufe in Spayne English Bibles, and other religious books. To thefe two Don Alonfo was pleased to anfwer, That to afk a liberty from the inquifition, and free fayling in the Weft-Indies, was to ask his mafter's two eyes; and that nothing could be done in thefe points, but according to the practice of former times.

3. The third difference was in relation to fome particulars of trade, as the King's decrying and advancing

afterwards appeared; and Cromwell always

had

<his coin, to the infinite prejudice of the English, < &c.

The debates upon these articles gave no great fatif<faction to either fide, nor increased the confidence, but rather shewed, that the principles of England and Spayne, at that time, were very different, and that it would be hard to make their interests to agree. At the fame time there were several conferences also with the French ambaffador, upon a treaty with France upon the ground of the former alliances. Then it came into debate before Oliver, and his councill, with which ⚫ of these crowns an alliance was to be chofen. Oliver himself was for a war with Spayne, at least in the Weft-Indies, if fatisfaction were not given for the past damages, and things well fettled for the future. And moft of the council went the fame way, and inclined to hold good intelligence with France; and fome of the reasons for this opinion were:

1. In reference to his Majefty, to wit, that by entertaining a good and confident correfpondence with France, the King of England and his brother might be removed out of France, and thereby a perpetuall ' enmity ftated between his faid Majefty and the King of France; and fo all hopes of his reftitution by fuccours from France taken away. And France was looked upon as the only foreign power that Oliver ⚫ need confider as to the King's reftitution. For,

1. Their relation in blood might incline them to it, and the treatyes upon the match would give them 'greater pretences to reftore the King than any other ftate could have.

2. They could employ in this fervice, and engage in it the proteftants of France, which might very dangerously divide us at home.

3. There was always a great confidence between the French and the Scots, which the French constantly made ufe of as a back-door into England; and, as af

had it in his power to break loose, and throw

fairs flood in Scotland, it would not be hard to fet all in a flame there. And, although it was fupposed, that if his Majefty were excluded France, he would betake himfelf to Spayne, yet this was not thought dangerous; because his being in Spayne feemed rather disadvantageous to his returne than otherwife, the " English being always jealous and afraid of the principles of Spayne, and who had no intereft here but the papift; the prefbyterian party, whom Oliver was • defirous enough to engage in his affairs, having ever fhewed the greateft averfion to the Spanyard.

In the next place, an ill understanding with France lay contrary to the amity with Sweden, which Oliver defired always to cherish upon feveral confide

⚫rations.

6

5. A good intelligence there was thought fafer for the proteftants there than a war. So it was refolved to take all opportunities to maintayn a good underftanding with France, and to fend a fleet and land forces into the Weft-Indies, where it was taken for granted the peace was already broken by the Spanyard, contrary to the former treatyes; and not to meddle with any thing in Europe, until the Spanyard fhould begin, unless the American fleet fhould be met with, which was looked upon as lawful prize. And now the confideration was of joining with France in this war upon the grounds aforefaid, which France ⚫ offered to do. And a treaty there was touching a fquadron of fhips to join with the French as auxiliaryes only to France, that fo no breach might be in Europe with Spayne on the part of England; as alfo a fum of money was propounded to be given by France, in cafe England will declare war against Spayne in any part of the world. But many difficulties and delays falling out in this treaty, the fleet was fent away into the Weft-Indies. And a war followed thereupon between England and Spayne, without the leaft com

⚫munication

throw himself into the oppofite scale, if cir

cum

munication of counfels with France, whereby France had its end for nothing. Then arrives here the mar• quis de Leda, as extraordinary ambaffador from Spayne, <expreffing defires of renewing the peace, but returned 're infecta. And now there was no more discourse of a league defenfive and offenfive with France, which the councill were never for; but the former peace was renewed with fome alterations, in refpect of the prefent tyme, which is in print; and an article by itfelf for exclufion of his Majefty, his highneffe the duke of Yorke, prefently, and his highnelle the duke of Gloucefter after ten years, with fome other perfons ' particularly named, out of France. This was all that paffed between Oliver and the king or cardinall of France, for fome years, fave very civil meffages and ⚫ affurances of mutuall fervices, as occafion fhould be. In the mean tyme Oliver caft with himfelf how to 6 get footing on the continent, which he always much. longed for. And there was a defigne to have drawne Flanders to revolt from Spayne; and, to that end, to have dealt with fome of the great towns to have declared themfelves a commonwealth, under the protection of the prince of Conde; and he was to be founded in it, how he would inclyne thereto, if • England and France did affift hym therein, and so, by that means, to have fatisfyed Conde to live out of • France, and to have eafed the cardinall of the feare ❝ of his returne. But proper mediums being not found out to found the prince of Conde, and it being not relished in France, it was no further profecuted.

Afterwards there were propofitions of joining in the war against the Spanyard in Flanders, whereupon there was a treaty made in the year 1657. The effect was, that Oliver should fend into France or Flanders 6000 foot, 3000 at the charge of England, and 3000 at the charge of France; that the whole being landed, should ⚫ come under the pay of France. That with thefe, and a • French army of horfe and foot, the king should that yeare

be