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their plate, for its better security; they
• deny or scruple the rendring their horses to them who • should fight the Lord's battle in their stead ().' I am () Flagel
·lum, or the no judge of military affairs: but I think 'tis a maxim Li " that good discipline makes good soldiers.' Cromwell Oliver was quite exact in this, and the behaviour of his army Cromwell, was such as merited the greatest praise, even abstracted Lond. 1667.
p. 24. 12mo. from its valour. Let us hear an eye witness: a pane- Perfect Poo gyrift he is ; but on this occasion seems to have adhered litician, or
' a full View pretty much to the truth.- Quicquid effuciunt in te of the Life • dementes Olivari, nauci non facio, religiofiffiimum of Oliver . imperatorem, religionis mediis in exercitibus defenso. Cromwell,
p. 4. 8vo. I rem, protectorem, propagatorem, nemo nisi laudum Lond. 1680. - tuarum fupra modum invidus hic reperitur, qui te non • suspexerit, admiratus fuerit, observantiâ summâ non • coluerit. Enim vero ubinam terrarum tàm religiosus
vifus est imperator; tamquè religiofus exercitus ? Mi. • ratus ego sum, varias Angliæ provincias tunc pro ne• gotiorum meorum, vel principis mei Serenissimi Ducis • Gueldriæ Comitis Hæcmundæ necessitate peragrans, ( easquè militibus iu's refertas, ita quietas, tranquil! Jas, pacatas, quafi ne unus quidem in illis miles effet,
fic addictas pietati, quasi monachorum non militum • legiones in pagis ipsarum dispersæ degerent. Ita certa « fingulis diebus cùm fundendis Deo precibus, tùm au• diendis dei præconiis, erant assignata tempora, milites • ipsos adeò modestos, nihilque nisi Deum, pietatem, “ religionem, virtutem respirantes, ut ingenuè fatear 6 cum ftupore non mediocri fæpè suspexi. Atque ne 'putet bic aliquis velle me blandiri, oleum Olivaria o divendere, vel in illius aures inftillare, teftem Deum " adhibeo, quod fæpiffime præsidiarios Olivarii, modô
suprâ dictó miites adiens, ne vel inverecundum ver(bulum unquam ab ullius ex illis ore perceperim, jus. • jurandumque nullum, sed meram humanitatem, ur« bapitatem, pietatem, verecundiam, modestiam ani• madverterin. Unde nequaquam in Olivarii militibus
G 2 ,
packed up the same, but were prevented from sending it, by the diligence of Oliver,
locum habere poteft quod de omnibus aliis jampridem « decantatum est,
· Nulla fides pietasque viris qui caftra fequuntur,
• Sed de illis dicendum potius eft, (2) Paralle. lum Olivæ
Multa fides pietasque viris qui caftra fequuntur (Z).' nec non Olie varii per Warwick, speaking of his army says, “ they had all Lud. de
“either naturally the phanatick humour, or soon imbibe' Gand. Dom. de ed it: a herd of this fort of men being by him drawn Brachev,&c. « together, he made use of the zeal and credulity Folio.
bo of those persons, teaching them, as they too readily
“ taught themselves, that they engaged for God, when • he led them against his vicegerent the King: and « where this opinion met with a natural courage, sit made them the bolder, and too oftner the cruel• ler: for it was such a sort of men, as killed brave
young Cavendish and many others, after quarter given • in cold blood. And these men, habited more to spi" ritual pride, than carnal riot or intemperance, so con< sequently having been industrious and active in their « former callings and professions, where natural cour« age wanted, zeal supplied its place; and at first they « chose rather to dye than fly; and custom removed fear o of danger: and afterwards finding the sweet of good
o pay, and of opulent plunder, and of preferment, sui(a) Me. moirs, p.
<table to activity and merit; the lucrative part made 252. • gain seem to them a natural member of godlinefs (a).'
Though many shades are thrown into Warwick's picture, it is ftill beautiful in comparison of « a dissolute, • undisciplined, wicked beaten army,' which Clarendon tells us the King's was, when Lord Hopton took its command: o an army, whose horse, he says, their • friends feared, and their enemies laughed at ; being
terrible only in plunder, and resolute in running
who on this, as well as other (R) occasions, shewed himself an active partizan. In the
o away (6). Such would not have been entertained by (l) Vol. iv. Cromwell. I shall close this note with the last writer's p. 729. character of Cromwell's army, given before both houses of parliament Sept. 13, 1660: I say Cromwell's army, for 'tis well known they were the same men, for the most part, who had been formed by him, and fought under his banners. "No other Prince, says the chan' cellor, in Europe, would be willing to disband such ( an army ; an army to which victory is entailed, and • which, humanly speaking, could hardly fail of con(quelt whithersoever he should lead it.--An army s whose order and discipline, whose sobriety and man
ners, whose courage and success hath made it famous 6 and terrible over the world. His Majesty knows " they are too good Englishmen to wish that a ftanding ( army should be kept up in the bowels of their own « country; that they who did but in Bello pacis gerere o negotium, and who whilst an army lived like good hul
bandmen in the country, and good citizens in the <city, will now become really such, and take delight o in the benefit of that peace, they have so honestly and (c) Lives of « so wonderfully brought to pass (c).' What an elo- the Lord
i Chancellors, gium, before those who were best of all able to judge vol. i. v. of its truth and propriety! Nothing after this can be ad- 126. 8vo. ded.
2. As high a (R) They were prevented by the diligence of Oliver, who character is Jewed himself an active partizan.] I intend not to par- given of ticularize the military exploits of Cromwell, they are the
the contisufficiently known. Europe founded with them; and nuation of they will be long talked of. However, as this was his the Life of first exploit, it may merit fome attention, as well as c
vol.ii. p.40. rectify some mistakes. Great complaint is made of him in the Querela Cantabrigiensis, in the following words : • Master Cromwell, burgess for the town of Cambridge, ' and then newly turned a man of war, was sent down • by his masters above, at the invitation of his masters
ese men in
they will known.
was expircd. to pursuit wher and mischico
course of the war he gave full proof of his bravery and good conduct : at Marson-Moor he turned the fortune of the day, and there
.by below (as himself confessed) to gather what strength • he could to stop all passages that no plate might be • sent: but his designs being frustrated, and his opionion as of an active subtile man, thereby somewhat < shaken and endangered, he hath ever since bent him< self to work what revenge and mischicf he could < against us. In pursuit whereof, before that month ' was expired, down he comes again in a terrible man
ner with what forces he coulj draw together, and < surrounds divers colleges, while we were at our de
votion in our several chappeli, taking away prisoners, ( Querela Cantabrigi
- several doctors of divinity, heads of colleges, ensis, 8vo. ' and there he carries with him to Linden in triumph (d).' p. 182. This story is repeated by the editor of Dr. Baruick's Lond. 1685.
life, but by the extract from the journals, in the foregoing note, it appears that his design of stopping the plate intended for the King was not frustrated, and therefore the former part of the story must be without foundation. May writes, that the first action Crom• well undertook was to secure the town of Cambridge < for the parliament, about the miudle of January, • Universities of all places were most apt to adhere to " the King's party, esteeming parliaments, and especi• ally this, the greatest depressors of that ecclefiaftical <dignity, in hope of which they are there nurtured : · Upon which reason they were packing up a large quan<tity of the plate that belonged to all the colleges, to < send it away to the King, which would have made a « confiderable sum. This was foreseen by Cromwell; < who by a commission from the parliament, and lord
“ general Eliex, had raised a troop of horse, and came (e) Hißory • down into that country, with authority to raise more liament, b.
i o forces as occasion served; he came to Cambridge soon iii. p. 79. « enough to seize upon that plate (e).'—What the quanFolio. Lond. tity of place in the whole was, which was packed up 1647
of the Pa
by obtained great honour to himself, and advantage to his masters. His courage notwithstanding has been called in question (s):
for the King, appears not: but the particular pieces sent from St. John's college for the purpose, amounted () Barto two thousand fixty five ounces and three fourths (f ). wick's Life,
i p. 24. 8vo.' So that probably the whole was a good booty. But
Lond. 1724. Cromwell feldom did things by halves. " Whilft I was « about Huntington, visiting old Sir Oliver Cromwell,
his uncle and godfather, at his house at Ramsey, he told me this story of his successful nephew and godson; that he visited him with a good strong party of horse, and that he had asked him his blessing, and
that the few hours he was there, he would not keep con his hat in his presence; but at the same time, he < not only disarmed, but plundered him: for he took (@) War• away all his plate (8). This was in character : the wick, p. uncle was treated with proper respect; the cavalier 251. prevented from doing mischief! Cromwell well understood his duty.
(s) His courage however has been called in question.] It has been observed that there is no opinion lo absurd as not to have been embraced by some men. The imputation of cowardice to Cromwell would not easily have been thought on, by those who had seen or heard of his exploits. But prejudice works wonders, and in a trice levels or exalts characters in the eyes of even wise and understanding men. Lord Holles was undoubtedly of this number; but being opposed and oppressed by Cromwell and his party, he could see nothing to admire, but every thing to blame in him. He engaged in a ' particular opposition to Cromwell, says Burnet, in the
time of the war: they hated one another equally. • Holles seemed to carry this too far, for he would not
allow Cromwell to have been either wise or brave; but often applied Solomon's obfervation to him, that the
battle was not to the strong, nor favour to the man s of understanding, but that time and chance happened
racters Holles wad opprellemire,