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the usual arts of men bent on defeating the de-
figns®

deeds, and deep defigns were laid for clipping his wings,
ere he seemed to have done any thing to have deferved
fuch treatment. We need not wonder after this, that
he oppofed the Scots, Effex and Hellis, and that they en-
tertained a deadly hatred of him.The charge ad-
vanced against Cromwell here, was that he was no friend
to the Scots, and the government of their church, and
The charge indeed
no well wifher to Lord Effex.
might be true enough; though a poor foundation for a
parliamentary profecution, at least if justice had taken
place. Probable 'tis he thought the business in which he
was engaged might have been done without the Scots;
that they might bring about a peace in conjunction with
Effex, very different from his withes; and as for their
church government, he, with many other fenfible men,
had a great difrelifh of it. 'Tis well enough known,
that when the parliament applied for affiftance to the
Scots, it was granted among other things upon condition
of their taking a folemn league and covenant together with
the Scottish nation, whereby they bound themfelves a-
mong other particulars, to endeavour to bring the
⚫ churches of God, in the three kingdoms, to the near-
• eft conjunction and uniformity in religion, confeffion
of faith, form of church government, directory for
• worship and catechizing. And in like manner, with-
out refpect of perfons, to endeavour the extirpation of
popery, prelacy, (that is, church government by
arch-bishops, bifhops, their chancellors and commit-
faries, deans, deans and chapters, arch-deacons, and
all other ecclefiaftical officers depending on that hierar-
chy) fuperftition, herefy, fchifm, profanenefs, and
• whatsoever fhall be found to be contrary to found doc-
trine and the power of godlinefs.And they were
alfo by the fame covenant to endeavour with their
eftates and lives mutually to preferve the rights and
priviledges of the parliaments, and the liberties of the
kingdoms; and to preferve and defend the King's

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• Ma

(0) Parlia

mentary Hiftory,

397. 8vo.

Lond. 1753.

figns of their foes, and advancing their own (u); by deep diffimulation, I fay, and

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his

Majesty's perfon and authority, in the prefervation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, that the world might bear witness of their loyalty, and that they had no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majefty's juft power and greatnefs (0).' vol. xii. P. This covenant was taken by both houfes of parliament, Sept. 25, 1643, and all the officers of the army were ftrictly enjoined to do the fame, as well as the people throughout the kingdom. Cromwell therefore must have. taken it; but in the fame manner as men take many other things, much againft his mind, though he had art enough then to conceal his diflike: for it cannot be thought but it must be very difagreeable to him to be bound to introduce a difcipline his large foul abhorred, and to preserve and defend a prince whom he was to fight againft, and whofe power and greatnefs were the objects of his dread. In short, Cromwell came not into the fchemes of the Scots, either religious or political, and confequently was hated by them.

(u) By craft, diffimulation and hypocrify, he got the better of bis fees.] No man was ever more taxed with hypocrify and diffimulation than Cromwell: his enemies were continually reproaching him with it; his friends. could not deny it; and the truth of hiftory requires it fhould be fully laid open. For every thing is ufeful: vices and follies inftruct as well as virtues: though wife men only profit by them.Let us hear the accufations against Oliver on this head. If craft be wifdom, says Mr. Cowley, and diflimulation wit (affifted both and improved with hypocrifies and perjuries) I must not deny him to have been fingular in both; but fo grofs ་ was the manner in which he made use of them, that as wife men ought not to have believed him at first, fo no man was fool enough to believe him at last ; neither did any man feem to do it, but those who thought they gained as much by that diffembling, as

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his interest in the army, and the house of

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he did by his. His very actings of godlinefs grew at laft as ridiculous, as if a player by putting on a gown, fhould think he reprefented excellently a woman, though his beard at the fame time were feen by all the fpectators. If you ask me why they did not hifs, and explode him off the ftage, I can only anfwer, that they durft not do fo, because the actors and door-keepers were too ftrong for the company. I 'must confess that by these arts (how grofly foever ma⚫naged, as by hypocritical praying, and filly preaching, by unmanly tears and whinings, by falfhoods and perjuries, even diabolical) he had at firft the good fortune, (as men call it, that is the ill fortune) to attain his ends; but it was because his ends were so unreafonable, that no human wisdom could foresee them; which made them who had to do with him believe that he was rather a well meaning and deluded bigot, than a crafty and malicious impoftor (p). Another ()Difcourfe writer who alfo lived in Cromwell's time, and wrote Oliver when he was in the height of his power, expreffes him- Cromwell, felf in the following manner: Had not his highness P. 88. had a faculty to be fluent in his tears, and eloquent in his execrations; had he not had fpongie eyes, and a fupple confcience; and befides to do with people of great faith, but little wit: his courage, and the reft of his moral virtues, with the help of his janiffaries, had never been able fo far to advance him out of the reach of juftice, that we fhould have need to call for < any other hand to remove him, but that of the hangC man (q).' And again- He hath found indeed that (9) Killing • in godline's there is great gain; and that preaching no Murder, and praying well managed, will obtain other king- p. 6.49.

concerning

Lond.

doms, 1689 *.

Killing no murder has been almoft univerfally given to Colonel Titus. But in a narrative touching Colonel Edward Sexby, [of whom there is an account in Clarendon, vol. vi. p. 640] who lately died a prisoner in the Tower, dated Jan. 20, 1657. O. S. it is faid, that he owned the book called Killing no Murder; and faid he was still of that Judgment,' See Mercurius Politicus, No. 399. p. 253. and Thurloe, vol. vi P. 500.

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commons, he got the better of all his foes

for

doms, as well as that of heaven. His indeed have been pious arms; for he hath conquered moft by those of the church, by prayers and tears. But the truth is, were it not for our honor to be governed by one that can manage both the spiritual and temporal sword, and, Roman like, to have our emperor our high priest, we might have had preaching at a much cheaper rate, and it would have coft us but our tythes, which now (Killing cofts us all (r) Thefe are general declamations. no Murder, Let us fee what facts there are to fupport them. Lord Helles fpeaking of the mutiny in the army on account of fome regiments being ordered to go to Ireland, by the parliament, has the following paffages: When they (the officers] had wrought the feat, Sir Thomas Fairfax himself came to London upon pretence of taking phyfick; Cromwell, Ireton, Fleetwood, Rainfborough, who were members of the houfe of commons as well as principal officers of the army, keep the house, that the foldiers might be left to themselves to fire the more, run up to extreams, and put themselves into a posture to carry on their work of rebellion with a high and violent hand, which had been fo handfomely done: for either they muft have appeared in it, and joined with the foldiers, which had been too grofs, or have ftopped it in the beginning, crufhed the ferpent in the C egg, which had been mott eafy, but was contrary to their defign. So now they give the bufinefs time to foment, and the rebellion to grow to fome head, that afterwards when they fhould come amongst them (for they could not but expect the parliament would fend them down) they might feem to be carryed with the violence, and to give fome way for preventing greater inconveniencies, and to keep them from extremities till the monster was formed, and got to that strength as to protect itself and them, when they might without danger declare for it, which they afterwards dið. In the mean time difclaiming it, blaming the foldiers

.

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for it was unfafe, as well as unpopular, to attack

at that diftance (as Cromwell did openly in the houfe, protefting, for his part, he would ftick to the parliament) whilst underhand they fent them encouragements and directions; for nothing was done there, but by advice and countenance from Londin, where the whole business was fo laid, the rebellion refolved upon, and the officers that were in town fo deeply engaged, that when the full time was come for pat ting things in execution, my friend Cromwell, who had been fent down by the parliament to do good offices, was come up again without doing any, and he who had made thofe folemn proteftations with fome 'great imprecations on himself if he failed in his performance, did, notwithstanding, privily convey thence his goods (which many of the independants did likewife, leaving city and parliament as marked out for deftruction) and then without leave of the houfe (after fome members miffing him and fearing him gone, had moved to have him fent for; whereupon he being; as it seems, not yet gone, and having notice of it, came and fhewed himself a little in the houfe) did fteal away that evening, I may fay run away poft down to the army, and prefently join in the fubfcrip tion of a rebellious letter (s).'- Burnet relates the following anecdote on the authority of Sir Har bottle Grimlon. When the houfe of commons and the army were a quarelling, at a meeting of the officers it was propofed to purge the army better, that they might know whom to depend on. Cromwell upon that faid, 'he was fure of the army; but there was another body that had more need of purging, naming the house of commons, and he thought the army only could do that. Two officers that were prefent brought an account of this to Grimston, who carried them with him to the lobby of the houfe of commons, they being refolved to justify it to the houfe. There was another debate then on foot; but Grimfn diverted

·

H

(3) Memoirs,

P. 48.

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