He

scripts, besides five hundred pounds in money.§ gave eight hundred pounds to the repair of the cathedral of St. Paul, and sundry other legacies of the like nature. But with all his accomplishments he was a cruel persecutor, as long as he was in power, and the chief incendiary in the war between the king and parliament, the calamities of which are in a great measure chargeable upon him. "That which gave me the strongest prejudices against him "(says bishop Burnet) is, that, in his Diary, after he had 'seen the ill effects of his violent counsels, and had been 'so long shut up, and so long at leisure to reflect on what had passed in the hurry of passion, in the exaltation of his prosperity, he does not in any one part of that great 'work acknowledge his own errors, nor mix any wise or 'serious reflections on the ill usage he met with, or the unhappy steps he had made." The bishop adds withal,* "that he was a learned, sincere, and zealous man, regular ❝in his own life, and humble in his private deportment, but 'hot and indiscreet, eagerly pursuing such matters as were ' either very inconsiderable or mischievous; such as settling the communion table by the east wall of the church, bowing to it, and calling it an altar, suppressing the wal'loon privileges, breaking of lectures, and encouraging of sports on the Lord's-day, &c. His severity in the star 'chamber, and in the high commission court; but above all, his violent, and indeed inexcusable injustice, in the 'prosecution of bishop Williams, were such visible blemi'shes, that nothing but the putting him to death in so un'just a manner could have raised his character. His Diary represents him as an abject fawner upon the duke of 'Buckingham, and as a superstitious regarder of dreams ;†

living of St. Lawrence in Reading for St. John's college. He procured a charter for Reading, and founded, and endowed with 2001. per annum, an hospital in that town. Oxford owed also to his influence a large charter, confirming its ancient and investing it with new privileges. It is but justice due to his memory to record, to the honor of Laud, these acts of munificence and public utility.

*

Goadby's British Biography, vol. iv. p. 289, 90. Ed. § Diary, p. 56.

* History of his Life, vol. i. p. 49, 50, or Scotch edit. p. 68. "His superstitions," says Mrs. Macaulay, "were as contemptible as those that belonged to the weakest of women." His Diary fell

'his defence of himself, written with so much care when he was in the Tower, is a very mean performance; and his friends have really lessened him; Heylin by writing his life, and Wharton by publishing his vin 'dication of himself." Mr. Rapin adds, "Let the archbi'shop's favorers say what they please, he was one of the chief authors of the troubles that afflicted England; 1st, by supporting with all his might the principles of that ar'bitrary power which the court strove for several years to 'establish. 2dly, By using to much strictness and rigidness in the observance of trifles in divine service, and in compelling every body to conform themselves thereto."+ To which I would beg leave to add, that since nothing relating to the doctrine or discipline of the church of England established by law was objected to him at his trial, but only certain innovations in the church, without or contrary to law, I cannot conceive with what propriety of language his friends and admirers have canonized him as the blessed martyr of the church of England.†

into the hands of Prynne, in the search of the archbishop's papers, and was published by him during his trial. This his grace complained of, as done to abash and disgrace him. The publication of it, certainly, did not tend to soften the prejudices against him, or to raise him in the opinion of the public. It was done by an order of a committee of the house of commons. Ed.

Rapin. vol. i. p. 507, folio.

‡ Dr. Grey calls Mr. Neal's delineation of archbishop Laud's character, " a long invective," and opposes to it lord Clarendon's character of this prelate. Facts will shew, who has drawn it with truth: and by facts we may decide concerning a more recent delineation of it by the pen of Mrs. Macaulay. "Laud, a superstitions churchman, who had studied little else than canon law and the doating opinions of the Fathers, was entirely ignorant of the utility, equity, and beauty of civil and religious liberty; was himself imposed on before 'he endeavored to impose on others; and became a zealous instrument of tyranny, even for conscience sake. The principles of reli'gion, on which he uniformly acted, were as noxious to the peace of 'society, as were the principles of the papists; the same want of charity, the same exercise of cruelty, the same arrogance of dominion, were common to both. Utterly unacquainted with the simplicity, 'charity, and meekness of the gospel. his character was void of humility and forgiveness; nor had he other rules to judge of men's deservings, but as they were more or less attached to the power of the church. Upon the whole, his character serves as an eminent exampie, to shew that extensive learning and abilities are not incompati'ble with a narrow judgment; and that in all the catalogue of human

The last, and most memorable transaction of this year, was the treaty of Uxbridge. His majesty had sent the two houses sundry propositions for peace last summer, which took them up a great deal of time to form into propositions for his majesty's assent. The commissioners were two lords, four commoners, and those of the Scots commissioners; they arrived at Oxford Nov. 26, but though the king had given them a safe conduct, Mr. Whitlocke observes,they met with very rude treatment from the populace, who saluted them as they passed along the streets with the names of traitors, rogues, and rebels, throwing stones and dirt into their coaches; when they came to their inn, they were insulted by the soldiers, so that they were obliged to shut up the doors till the king ordered them a guard. When they delivered their propositions, bis majesty received them coldly ;* and because they were only to receive his answer, told them, a letter-carrier might have done as well.† Next day his majesty gave them his answer in writing sealed up; and when they desired to see it, he replied with a frown, what is it to you, who are but to carry what I send; if I will send the song of Robin Hood or Little John, you carry it. But at length they obtained a copy, which was frailties, there are none which more corrupt the heart, or deprave the understanding, than the follies of religion." History of England. vol. iv. p. 134, 142-3. Were it necessary for the editor of Mr. Neal to subjoin his ideas of Laud's character, he would be inclined to give it in three words; as formed of SUPERSTITION, TYRANNY, and INTOLERANCE. Ed.

must

* This, as Dr. Grey observes, is not expressly said by Whitlocke; whose words are, "The next day they (i. e. the commissioners) had access to his majesty, who used them civilly, and gave to every one of them his hand to kiss; but he seemed to shew more disdain to the Scots commissioners than to any others of their company." On the evening of the same day, as Hollis and Whitlocke were paying a visit to the earl of Lindsey, the king came into the chamber, and treated those gentlemen with extraordinary respect, entered into a free conversation with them, and asked their advice as friends. Memorials, p. 108. Rushworth says, that "the king received the commissioners very obligingly, but seemed more to slight the Scots commissioners than any of the rest," vol. v. p. 841. Even here, though the language of Rushworth is more descriptive of a courteous and complaisant reception, than is that of Whitlocke, there is yet an intimation of something in the king's manner to all the commissioners, that indicated coldness and indifference, and it justifies Mr. Neal's representation of it. Ed. + Whitlocke, p. 106, 107, 109, 110.

only to desire a safe conduct for the duke of Lenox aud earl of Southampton to come to London with his majesty's answer; but the letter not being directed to the parliament of England, the houses would not consent but upon that condition. The king's council advised him to yield, which did not prevail, till his majesty had found out an evasion, and entered it upon record in the council-books, as appears by his letter to the queen, dated Jan. 2, in which he says, "That his calling them a parliament did not imply his acknowledging them as such; upon which con'struction, and no other (says he)* I called them, as it is "registered in the council-books, and if there had been but two of my opinion (says the king) I would not have done "it." In another intercepted letter to the queen, he tells her," he could not prevail with his parliament at Oxford to vote those at Westminster no parliament, but assures her he would not make peace without her approbation, nor go one jot beyond the paper she sent him." In another the king informs the queen, "that the parliament were sending him propositions for peace, which, if she likes, he thinks may be the best way for settlement as things 'stand;" so that the fate of England was to be determin* Whitlocke, p. 277.

Dr. Grey aims, here, to impeach not the accuracy only, but the veracity of Mr. Neal; whose account of the matter does, indeed, seem to imply, that the king was at length prevailed on to direct his answer to the parliament at Westminster: whereas Dr. Grey shews, from Rapin and Rushworth, that his majesty put no direction at all on it, and the commissioners accepted it without a direction; and that therefore the charge of evasion against the king was without ground But Dr. Grey contents himself with a partial account and view of this matter, and does not apprise his reader, that Rapin also mentions the expedient by which the king reconciled to himself a compliance with the requisition of the parliament: the fact, in its full extent, was, that the commissioners, though they objected to the form and the want of direction to the king's message; yet did deliver it to the parliament at Westminster, and was thanked for their services. But then the like exceptions were made by both houses, and it was resolved not to grant the safe conduct it asked, nor to receive his majesty's answer, unless he should send to the parliament of England assembled at Westminster. The trumpeter went away with a letter to this effect, Dee. 3, and returned on the 7th with an answer from the king, acknowledging those at Westminster to be the parliament. Rushworth, vol. v. p. 843, 44. 5 Rashworth, vol. v. p. 943.

VOL. III.

33

ed by the queen and her popish council. Besides, his majesty was unhappily elevated at this time by the divisions at Westminster, which produced the new modeling the army; and with a false and romantic account of the successes of the marquis of Montross in Scotland, which were so magnified, that it was expected the Scots must immediately march back into their own country; whereas, in reality, they were not so considerable as to oblige them to draw off a single regiment.

In this situation of affairs it was agreed, according to the proposals of the king's commissioners, that there should be a treaty of peace at Uxbridge, to commence Jan. 30, 1645, and to continue twenty days.

There were sixteen commissioners for the king, (viz.) nine lords, six commoners, and one divine; twelve for the parliament, and ten for the Scots, and one divine, (viz.) Mr. Henderson; the king's divine was Dr. Steward, who was assisted by Dr. Sheldon, Laney, Fern, Potter, and Hammond. Assistant divines for the parliament were Mr. Vines, Marshal, Cheynel, and Chiesly. These with their retinue, to the number of one hundred and eight persons, were included in the safe conduct.

The propositions to be treated of were religion, the militia, and Ireland; each of which were to be debated three days successively, till the twenty days were expired.

The treaty was preceded by a day of fasting and prayer on both sides for a blessing, but was interrupted the very first day, by a sermon preached occasionally in the church of Uxbridge by Mr. Love, then preacher to the garrison of Windsor, wherein he had said, that they [his majesty's commissioners] came thither with hearts full of blood, and that there was as great a distance between this treaty and peace, as between heaven and hell. The commissioners having complained of him next day, the parlia ment commissioners laid it before the two houses, who sent for him to London, where he gave this account of the affair; that the people being under a disappointment at their lecture, he was desired unexpectedly to give them a sermon; which was the same he had preached at Windsor the day before.* He admits, that he cautioned the people not to have too great a dependance upon the treaty, be* Dugdale's Treaty of Uxbridge, p. 764.