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translation made by John Scotus Erigena. St. Augustine worked out the method more systematically in his treatise on the Trinity (lib. viii. c. 3), but not with such completeness and precision as Anselm, whose treatise is one close and compact chain of reasoning, every link being, so to speak, tightly fastened to that which precedes and follows it. Starting from the contemplation of sensible objects, he propounds the question whether the goodness in all good things, although known by different names, such as justice in a man, strength or swiftness in a horse, and so on, comes from one source or divers. All varieties of excellence, by whatever name they may be called, are resolvable at last into a few simple elements-the good, the beautiful, the great, the useful. Hence he arrives at the conclusion that all things to which any of these qualities in various degrees and forms are attributed must derive them from something which is in itself always the same, which is in itself absolutely and unchangeably good and great. As also there is a difference in natures, some being better than others, as a horse is superior to a dog, and a man to a horse, there must be one nature so superior to all others that it cannot be exceeded by any; otherwise there would be no end to the series, which is absurd. This supreme nature must be the author of its own existence: it must be 'per se' and 'ex se,' 'by means of itself' and 'from itself;' it must be 'per se,' for if it was by means of another that other would be the greater, which is contrary to the supposition; if it were out of nothing, then it must be brought out of nothing either by itself or by another; not by itself, for then itself would be prior to itself, which is absurd, nor by another, for then it would not be the highest nature of all. In this way he proves the eternal self-existence of the divine nature. And by similar rigorously logical methods he goes on to prove the existence and nature of the Word, and the Holy Spirit.

In the 'Proslogion,' so called because it is in the form of an address to God, he endeavours to prove the existence of the Deity by a shorter method-by a single deductive argument instead of a lengthened inductive chain. He had long been anxious, he says, to discover such an argument, and vexed that it continually eluded him, until at last, to his great joy, it was suddenly revealed to him. The point of departure in this case was not the contemplation of the outer but of the inner world, not of sensible objects but of the mind of man. He could prove, he thought, the being of a God out of the

very saying of the fool that there was no God. That very denial involved the idea of a Being than whom no greater can be conceived; but if no greater can be conceived, then He must exist, since existence is a necessary point of perfection. This is substantially the argument which was employed by Descartes six hundred years afterwards, although there is no evidence that Descartes had any knowledge of Anselm's writings. Leibnitz, however, is inclined to suspect that he had, because he thinks that both in the style and matter of Descartes' writings he detects a larger obligation to other authors than Descartes chose to acknowledge (Epist. ad Bierlingium, 1710, v. 361, 393). It is to be noted that neither Anselm nor Descartes seeks to prove the existence of God in order to produce belief, but, starting from belief as a fact, their aim is to show that reason independently followed necessarily confirms the convictions of faith. It is remarkable that in the period between Anselm and Descartes no one seems to have adopted the same method. Anselm cannot properly be considered as the first or forerunner of the schoolmen; their method was not Platonic, but Aristotelian, a method far better adapted than Anselm's to the ordinary mind of the middle ages. In boldness, indeed, and originality of thought, Anselm was too far ahead of the intellectual standard of his day to be thoroughly understood or appreciated. The aim of the Cur Deus Homo? is to prove the necessity of the incarnation. as the only means whereby the debt of obedience due from man to God could be discharged, an adequate reparation made for his offences, and the immortality of body and soul recovered for which he was originally destined. Unlike the other two treatises, it is in the form of a dialogue, which renders it easier reading, although the reasoning is not less close and cogent. There is no apparent lack of finish in the work, although Anselm in his preface says that he should have made several additions if he could have secured some quiet leisure, but that it was begun in England amidst great distress of heart-in magna cordis tribulatione'and finished during his sojourn in the province of Capua.

If his philosophical treatises exhibit the profundity, the daring originality, and masterly grasp of his intellect, his meditations and prayers reveal the spiritual side of his nature, the deep humility of his faith, and the fervour of his love towards God, while his letters show him in his more human aspect-his tender sympathy and affection,. his courtesy and respectfulness, combined

with firmness in maintaining what he believed to be right, and in reproving what he believed to be wrong. Thus his writings completely verify the statement of William of Malmesbury (i. § 47) that he was thoroughly spiritual and industriously learned-' penitus sanctus, anxie doctus.'

readings' are in this edition placed at the bottom of each page instead of being put at the end of the works, as in Gerberon's edition. The references in this article are to Migne's edition.

[The primary authorities for the life of Anselm are the two works by Eadmer, a monk of Canterbury, afterwards bishop-elect of St. Andrews, which were edited by Mr. Rule in the Rolls Series in 1884. After Anselm became primate, Eadmer was his domestic chaplain and most intimate friend, and was an eye-witness of most of the events which he relates. He first wrote the HeHistoria Novorum,' which might be called a Life and Times of Anselm,' and the Vita Anlife and character of his subject. William of selmi,' which deals more with the inner personal Malmesbury (Gesta Pontificum, lib. i.) and John of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres (Life of Anselm in Anglia Sacra,' vol. ii.), although they supply a few details of their own, avowedly draw their accounts mainly from Eadmer, and Ordericus Vitalis, in his scanty notices (Hist. Eccles. lib. x. and xi.), refers his readers to the same source for further information. Next to the

The first complete and satisfactory edition of Anselm's works was that of Gabriel Gerberon (Paris, 1721), a monk of the congregation of St. Maur. He says in his preface that hitherto most of the copies of his works were so mutilated or disfigured by corrections that they were scarcely intelligible. framed a new text by a careful collation of as many manuscripts as he could collect, and an examination of existing printed editions. These were two bearing no mark of date or place of issue; one printed at Nuremberg, 1491; two at Paris, 1544 and 1549; one at Venice, 1549; two at Cologne, 1573 and 1612; and one at Lyons, 1630. Gerberon arranged the works in his edition in three divisions:

1. The theological and philosophical, including the Monologion, the Proslogion, the attack of Gaunilo, a monk of Marmoutiers, on the same, and Anselm's reply; the 'De Fide Trinitatis,' the 'De Processione Spiritus Sancti contra Græcos,'' Dialogus de Casu Diaboli, Cur Deus Homo,' 'De Conceptu Virginali et Originali Peccato,' 'Dialogus de Veritate,' 'Liber de Voluntate,' 'Dialogus de Libero Arbitrio,' 'De Concordiâ Præscientiæ et Prædestinationis,' 'De Azymo et Fermentato,' 'De Sacramentorum Diversitate (Waleranni epistola),''Responsio ad Waleranni Querelas,' Offendiculum Sacerdotum,' 'De Nuptiis Consanguineorum,' Dialogus de Grammatico,' 'De Voluntate

Dei.'

2. Devotional and hortatory: Homilies and Exhortations,' 'Sermo de Passione Domini,'Exhortatio ad Contemptum Temporalium et Desiderium Eternorum,' Admonitio Morienti,'' Duo Carmina de Contemptu Mundi,''Liber Meditationum et Orationum xxi.,' Meditatio super Miserere,' 'De Pace et Concordiâ,' 'Tractatus Asceticus,' 'Oratio dicenda ante Perceptionem Corporis et Sanguinis Domini,' 'Salutatio ad Jesum Christum ex anecdotis sacris de Levis,' 'Hymni et Psalterium de S. Mariâ,' Versus de Lanfranco, De Verbis Anselmi,' "Quædam Dicta utilia ex dictis S. Anselmi. 3. Four books of letters.

The Abbé Migne's edition, in two volumes, imperial octavo, is a reproduction of Gerberon's edition, revised, including the footnotes of Henschenius,' and the 'Vita' and 'Historia Novorum' of Eadmer. The various

memoirs of Eadmer in value are Anselm's own letters, upwards of four hundred in number, which throw much light not only on his life but on the history of the times. The principal modern biographies are by: 1. Möhler, formerly Roman but good as far as it goes, translated into catholic professor at Munich, a fragment only, English in 1842. 2. Hasse, protestant professor at Bonn, 1843, 1852. 3. Franck, Tübingen, 1842. 4. Charles de Rémusat, Paris, 1853, and second edition 1868, an excellent biography with an able and lucid criticism of Anselm's philosophy. In connection with the latter may be mentioned a critique on the philosophy by M. Emile Saisset, in a volume of miscellanies, Mélange d'Histoire, de Morale, et de Critique,' which was originally written as a review of M. Rémusat's work for the Revue des Deux-Mondes;' also a translation of the Monologion and Proslogion, Le Rationalisme Chrétien. 5. M. Charma, Paris, with an introductory essay by H. Bouchitté, in 1853, a short but interesting study with a companion one on Lanfranc. 6. Montalembert, a short fragment of much beauty, 1844. 7. Crozet Mouchet (Paris and Tournai), 1859, valuable for what relates to the early life at Aosta. 8. R. W. Church, dean of St. Paul's, London, a masterly sketch, accurate, vigorous, and graceful, and as full as was possible within the prescribed limits of the series for which it was written, Macmillan's Sunday Library. 9. Mr. E. A. Freeman has dealt twice over most carefully with the history of Anselm, first in his 'History of the Norman Conquest,' vols. iii., iv. and v. (also notices more fully in his History of the Reign of in i. 355, 564, and ii. 25, 215, 217), and again William Rufus,' vol. i. ch. iv., and vol. ii. ch. vii. (see also an interesting note on Anselm's letters, Y in appendix). His narratives are especially valuable for the minute and exact references

which they contain to original authorities, and for bringing out some points hardly noticed elsewhere, especially the bearing on Anselm's appeal to Rome of the former appeal made by Bishop William of St. Calais. 10. Mr. Martin Rule's Life and Times of St. Anselm' (2 vols. demy octavo, 1883) contains a good deal of useful matter, the fruit of long and careful labour, but is marred by irrelevant digressions and a cumbrous style. His prejudices, also, as a warm partisan of the papacy, sometimes distort his view of simple facts.]

W. R. W. S.

ANSLAY, BRIAN (f. 1521), yeoman of the wine cellar to Henry VIII, translated the 'Tresor de la Cité des Dames' of Christine de Pise, under the title of the 'Boke of the Cyte of Ladies,' 1521. In a preliminary copy of verses the printer, Henry Pepwell, states that the translation was published at the instance of the Earl of Kent. The book consists of a number of short stories about famous women, much of the material being drawn from Boccaccio. There are some notices of Anslay in 'Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII' (art. 4231, 23, et seq.). A 'Bryan Anslye, Esquier, late of Lee, in the county of Kent. . . . served Queene Elizabeth as one of ye band of Gentlemen Pencioners to her Matie the space of XXXtye yeares; and, dying 10 July 1604, was buried in the church of Lee, Kent, where a memorial slab, still legible, gives an account of him and his family. He was probably the son of Anslay the translator.

the Nore on 17 May that a lieutenant of the Hampshire had requested to be put on halfpay, and that he intended 'to commission Mr. George Anson, who is cousin to my Lord Parker. In 1716 the most brilliant merit conceivable was all the more brilliant in the nephew of the lord chief justice.

He continued in the Hampshire till she paid off in December 1717, and in March 1718 was appointed second lieutenant of the Montagu, and was in her in the action off Cape Passaro on 31 July 1718. On 2 Oct. 1719, he was transferred to the Barfleur, Sir George Byng's flagship; and in June 1722 was made a commander, and appointed to the Weasel sloop, which was employed in the North Sea against the Dutch smugglers. In February 1723-4, he was advanced to the rank of captain, appointed to the Scarborough frigate, and sent out to South Carolina, with instructions to protect the coast and the commerce against pirates and Spanish cruisers, which were already practising the system of annoyance which ultimately led to the war of 1739. They did not at that time, however, menace the Carolina coast; and the general nature of Anson's service was to cruise to and from the Bahamas. On one occasion he had intelligence of a Spanish boat which had been molesting some of the English traders, but proceeding to look for her, he touched at Providence, where he learned that she had been already taken by a sloop bound for Jamaica, who carried her there, where the people were condemned for pirating and hanged' (Anson to Burchett, 16 Jan. 1724-5). A few months later he received orders to act against the Spaniards wherever he met them, but the little war of 1726 passed over without any incident in Anson's career. In July 1728, on the death of Captain Morris of the Garland, he moved into that ship, and sent home the Scarborough, which was badly in want of refitting; but he himself was kept out two years longer, and did not return to England till July 1730. His long service on the coast of Carolina, however useful, was in no way brilliant: but he would seem to have been popular with the colonists, who still preserve his memory embalmed in the name of Anson county; and a Carolina lady, writing to her sister in London, could say nothing worse of him than that it was re-averred' he loved his bottle, and was far from being a woman-hater; whilst, on the other hand, he was handsome, good-natured, polite, well bred, generous, and humane; passionately fond of music, and 'so oldfashioned as to make some profession of religion' (BARROW's Life, 14).

[Ellis's Historical Sketches, ii. 20; Athenæum for 2 Sept. 1876, where the inscription on the younger Anslay is printed in full, by Mr. J. W. Hales, who has reprinted it in his Essays and Notes on Shakespeare, p. 271.] A. H. B.

ANSON, GEORGE, LORD ANSON (16971762), admiral of the fleet, was the second son of William Anson, of Shugborough, in the parish of Colwich, in Staffordshire, and was born there on 23 April 1697; his mother Isabella, daughter of Charles Carrier, of Wirkworth, in Derbyshire, was sister of Janet, the wife of Thomas Parker, afterwards Lord Parker and Earl of Macclesfield, and in 1718 created lord chancellor. On 2 Feb. 1711-12, Anson entered on board the Ruby, commanded by Captain Peter Chamberlen, as a volunteer, and on 27 March followed Captain Chamberlen to the Monmouth, where he mained till 27 June 1713, when he was discharged, as the ship was about to pay off. All attempts to trace his service during the next three years have been unsuccessful; but in May 1716 he was serving as midshipman or supernumerary in the fleet bound for the Baltic under Sir John Norris, who wrote from

In 1731 he commanded the Diamond frigate

in the Channel; and in February 1731-2, being appointed to the Squirrel, was sent out to his old station on the coast of Carolina, whence he returned in June 1735; the Squirrel was paid off, and Anson, for the first time, was on shore for two years and a half.

In December 1737 he was appointed to the Centurion, of 60 guns, and sent to the west coast of Africa for the protection of the English trade against the encroachments of the French, after which he crossed over to the West Indies, and was recalled thence in the autumn of 1739. It had been determined to give him the command of one of two squadrons that were to be sent to the Pacific; and when it was found necessary to curtail the plan and send only one, that one was put under the orders of Anson with the nominal rank of commodore. The establishment of the navy, after many years of peace and decay, was at a very low ebb, and the expense of fitting out the fleet for the West Indies and the coast of Spain swallowed up all the resources of the admiralty. There was thus great difficulty in equipping and manning the ships intended for the Pacific: whilst instead of the regiment of soldiers which had been told off for this service, a number of pensioners, old, worn-out, and crippled, were put on board, together with a number of newly enlisted and wholly undrilled marines. All this caused great delay, and it was not till 18 Sept. 1740, after eight months' preparation, that the little squadron of six ships put to sea from St. Helens. Arriving in the neighbourhood of Cape Horn in the stormy season, the ships were severely buffeted; two were driven back, and never got round at all; one, the Wager, was driven ashore and totally lost [see BYRON, JOHN]; the Centurion narrowly escaped a similar fate; and it was not till 11 June 1741 that she arrived at Juan Fernandez. with not more than thirty men, officers included, fit for duty. The Gloucester, of 50 guns, arrived some time after in still worse plight, as also the Trial brig: and after refitting and resting till September, it was found that out of the 961 men who had left England in these three ships, 626 had died, leaving 335 men and boys, a number quite insufficient for even the Centurion alone. Anson, however, determined to do what he could to effect the purpose of his voyage, and, with a hollow pretence of strength, he managed to destroy the Spanish commerce, blockade the ports, and sack and burn the town of Paita. He then hoped to intercept the yearly ship from Manila for Acapulco: but finding that he had missed her, and that there was no chance

of her sailing on the return voyage while he was on the coast, he made sail for China. The Trial had long since been condemned; the Gloucester now proved to be unseaworthy, and was cleared out and set on fire; the Centurion alone remained, and again, as off Cape Horn, was visited by scurvy in its worst forms. It was only after refreshing and resting for two months at Tinian, that her men, sorely diminished in numbers, were able to take the ship on to Macao; and, after refitting there, they sailed to cruise off Manila in quest of the Acapulco ship. The Centurion had now less than 200 men left of the original 961; but some Spanish negroes and Indians, as well as some Dutchmen and Lascars, had been picked up at Macao, and she had actually on board, of all creeds and colours, 227. With this reduced crew, however, she met the great galeon on 20 June 1743, and captured her. In size and number of men the Spaniard was vastly superior to the Centurion; but she was lumbered with merchandise, and of her 600 men few were trained to arms or to act together, whilst during the last cruise Anson had taken very great pains in exercising his men. The amount of treasure was enormous; and Anson, deciding that nothing more was to be done, resolved to return to England round the Cape of Good Hope. Good fortune favoured him at the last, and as he came into the Channel a thick fog hid him from the French fleet which was cruising in the Soundings; he passed safely through it, and anchored at Spithead on 15 June 1744. The treasure which he had brought home amounted to about 500,000l. This was landed at Portsmouth, sent up to London, and paraded in triumph through the city in a procession of thirty-two wagons, the ship's company marching with colours flying and band playing.

In ready acknowledgment of Anson's good service and good fortune, the admiralty at once promoted him to the rank of rearadmiral, but they refused to confirm an acting commission as captain of the Centurion, which Anson, claiming to act as commodore, had given to his first lieutenant, Mr. Peircy Brett, whilst in China. They did indeed specially promote Mr. Brett, but Anson rejected the compromise, returned his own commission-which was accordingly cancelled and went on half pay as a captain. As his share of the prize money had rendered him a wealthy man, quite independent of the service, he would certainly not have accepted any further appointment from the Earl of Winchilsea, but the change of ministry a few months later brought in a new admiralty, with the Duke of Bedford at its

head, and Anson as one of its members. Its very first act was to reverse the decision of the former board, and to confirm the commission which Anson had given to Captain Brett (the patent of the board is dated 28 Dec. 1744; the minute confirming Brett's commission is dated 29 Dec.), and on 20 April 1745, Anson was re-promoted to flag rank, this time as rear-admiral of the white.

Notwithstanding Anson's haste to get to sea, the French hospital ship and a sloop were all that he fell in with. It was by this time certainly known that the French squadron was in an almost helpless condition, and that if it could be met with, it must be captured. It received, however, warning from a Dutch merchant ship of the neighbourhood of the English fleet, and by keeping to the southward got in-shore of it, and so safely to Brest. The next spring Anson was more fortunate. The French were preparing to send out another expedition to America, and at the same time a squadron to the East Indies. On 29 April the two sailed together from the roadstead of Aix, under the command of M. de la Jonquière, whose energetic behaviour and clever escape in bringing home the shattered remains of the fleet the year before had pointed him out as a capable and a lucky officer. But Anson had early and fairly exact knowledge of the projected expedition, and, in his double capacity of lord of the admiralty and commander-in-chief of the fleet, took care to have with him an overpowering force and such a number of cruisers that it was wellnigh impossible for the enemy to escape him. With his own flag on board the Prince George, of 90 guns, and having with him Rear-Admiral Warren in the Devonshire, Captain Boscawen in the Namur, and others, numbering altogether fourteen ships of the line, he stationed himself off Cape Finisterre, and continued there during the greater part of April, exercising his fleet in forming line and in manoeuvres of battle till then absolutely unknown. On the morning of 3 May the French fleet was sighted, and was successfully pursued. Anson at first made the signal for line of battle, but presently, perceiving that the French were of very inferior force, he made the signal for a general chase and fell on them pell-mell. La Jonquière placed his convoy to leeward, in charge of two frigates, and drew up his squadron in line to meet the enemy; but including two 40-gun ships, a 50-gun ship with only half her guns on board, and four Indiamen, he de-numbered only ten ships in all. The ships of war fought well, but were speedily overpowered; the Indiamen, with valuable cargoes on board, endeavoured to make off, but were captured afterwards. The defence, however, was sufficient to permit the greater part of the convoy to escape during the night. Amongst the captured ships were the Gloire, of 40 guns, and the Invincible, of 74. When M. de Saint-George, the captain of the latter, went on board the Prince George to surrender his sword to Anson, he addressed him with, 'Monsieur, vous avez vaincu l'Invin

For a year and a half Anson continued in London, taking a leading share in the work of the admiralty, and, though a very junior member of the board, acting directly as the Duke of Bedford's representative in all matters of executive administration. Beyond the old friendship existing between Lord Chancellor Hardwicke and the Macclesfield family (CAMPBELL'S Lives of the Chancellors, v. 15) it is now impossible to trace the particular interest which Anson could have had; that he had some may be considered certain. In July 1746 Vice-Admiral Martin resigned the command of the Channel fleet; and Anson, now vice-admiral of the blue, undertook the duty and hoisted his flag on board the Yarmouth on 9 Aug. The fleet was very short-handed, for in Martin's last cruise bad provisions and bad beer, scurvy, fever, and small-pox, had caused the death or sickness of an enormous number of men (Martin to Corbett, 3 July 1746: JOANNIS HUXHAMI Observationes de Aere et Morbis epidemicis (1773), p. 341); and now Admiral Lestock, fitting out for the expedition to Lorient, had carried off every seaman that he could find (Anson to Bedford, 11 Aug. 1746, in Bedford Correspondence, i. 137). It was thus the end of the month before Anson could get the fleet to sea; and he then cruised to the westward, off Ushant, hoping to intercept on its return the French fleet, which had gone to Chebucto (the present Halifax) under the Duke d'Enville. The terrible fate of that expedition was not yet fully known; and, though Anson put into Plymouth at the end of October, it was only for a supply of water. 'My men,' he wrote to the Duke of Bedford (28 Oct.), 'begin to be very sickly, and most of the ships very foul, but the hope of stroying some of the enemy's fleet will make me risk health and everything else. On 4 Nov. he wrote that he hoped to be complete and at sea in two or three days, and to have better fortune in his next cruise. I am surprised,' he added, 'that Mr. Lestock, who had such certain intelligence, from the French ships burnt in the bay, of the shattered condition of D'Enville's ships, should not cruise off Ushant for them, as his squadron was not in want of anything' (Bedford Corr. i. 174).

VOL. II.

D

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