the Council of Clermont, being at the same time addressed to the superstitious and the military spirit, the two predominant motives of action in that age, were received with an enthusiastic acclamation of frenzy, which was mistaken for the approbation of God.

We do not propose to enter into any description of the military adventures of the crusaders, which have employed the eloquence of so many writers; but shall confine ourselves to the less attractive, but perhaps more useful, task of occasionally recurring to the domestic changes connected with them, and investigating the traces which they have left in the History of the Church.

Pascal II.

Urban died in 1099, and was succeeded by Pascal II. Nearly contemporaneous with the decease of Urban was that of Clement III., the Antipope, who had maintained with some interruptions the possession of the capital, though unacknowledged by the great body of the Church. The imperial party was at that moment too weak to appoint a successor, and therefore Pascal entered into undisputed occupation of the chair. Pascal, as well as Gregory and Urban, had been educated in the monastery of Clugni; like the former, he was a Tuscan; like the latter, he was indebted for his early advancement to Gregory; and thus the spirit of that extraordinary man, by animating the congenial bosoms of his two disciples, continued to haunt the pontifical chair, and to regulate the councils of the Vatican, for above thirty years after his departure *. And if Urban prosecuted the reforms undertaken by his master, and realized one of his fondest speculations, to Pascal remained the more difficult and odious office of resuming with fresh violence the interrupted contest with the empire. He engaged in it earnestly, if not eagerly; and as the emperor was still unprepared for submission, he prevented an attempt (perhaps an insidious attempt) at compromise, by renewing (in 1102) all former decrees against investitures, and then commenced the conflict by the usual sentence of excommunication.

Misfortunes and
Death of Henry IV.

Henry IV., after surviving so many Popes, was still in possession of the throne; but his latter years had been afflicted by the rebellion, and, what might be less bitter to him, by the death of his eldest son. The affections of his subjects he never possessed nor deserved; but we do not learn that by any domestic delinquency he had forfeited the less dissoluble allegiance of his children. And yet, scarcely had Conrad terminated his unnatural impiety by death, when as if the anathemas of Gregory were still suspended over him-as if to accomplish the temporal retribution which that pontiff had denounced against the foes of St. Petert-Henry, his other son, on learning the excommunication of his father, rose in arms against him. A scene revolting to nature and humanity was the consequence; and even the death of the Emperor, which speedily followed, does not close the story of his persecutions. His body, which was still lying under the anathema, having been inconsiderately consigned to consecrated ground, was imme

* Pascal died on January 18th, 1118, after an unusually long pontificate of eighteen years, five months, and five days.

It will be recollected that, in his second excommunication of Henry, Gregory supplicated St. Peter to take away from that prince prosperity in war and victory over his enemies, that all the world may know' (says he) that thou hast power both in heaven and

on earth.'

diately dug up, ejected from the holy precincts, and condemned to an unhallowed sepulchre *; and there it rested for the space of five years, a revolting monument of papal power and papal malignity: at length the sentence was withdrawn †, and Henry V. was permitted to make a tardy atonement to offended nature and piety.

There is no proof that Pascal positively excited this monstrous rebellion, but it is well known that he countenanced and promoted it, and that too, not as a reluctant concession of virtue to interest, but with ardent and uncompromising zeal. Indeed, his interest was not engaged in this matter, but his passions merely, and the vindictive hatred for Henry IV. which he had contracted in the school of Gregory. The Holy See had nothing to gain by the death or deposition of an unpopular monarch, but everything to fear from the union which would probably ensue among his subjects. For, as to any prospect of gratitude from his successor any hope that the Emperor would be mindful of services conferred upon the rebel,- -a Tuscan and a Pope could scarcely indulge so simple an expectation. If Pascal did so, he very speedily discovered his error; for scarcely was Henry IV. dead, when his son asserted with equal vehemence the disputed rights. The Pope resisted, and both parties prepared for a second struggle.

Henry V. nothing deterred by the portentous appearance of a comet, which inspired general dismay, descended into Italy during the summer of 1110, carefully prepared for a twofold contest with the Holy See; for he was not only attended by a powerful army, but also by a suite of literary protectors, so that the pen might be at hand to justify the deeds of the sword. His advance was preceded by a declaration of his intention, which was to maintain a right acquired by privilege and the custom of his predecessors from the time of Charlemagne, and preserved during three hundred years under sixty-three popes that of presenting to bishoprics and abbeys by the ring and crosier.' In reality, his object, when more fully explained, was to prevent the election of bishops without his consent, to invest the bishop-elect with the regalia, to receive from him homage and the oath of allegiance. At the same time, he proposed to undergo the solemn ceremony of coronation at the hands of the Pope.

Dispute between
Henry V. and
Pascal.

By the regalia above mentioned were understood various grants conferred on the bishops by Charlemagne, which partook of the privileges of royalty, such as the power of raising tribute, coining money, and also the possession of certain independent lands, directly derived from the crown, with some other immunities. And it seemed natural that the successors of Charlemagne should retain the right of confirming

* Comprobantibus his qui aderant Archiepiscopis et Episcopis ; quia quibus vivis ecclesia non communicat, illis etiam nec mortuis communicare possit.'-Urspergensis Abbas, ap. Pagi, Vit. Pascalis II. Some ascribe this act of barbarity to the German Bishops, and exculpate the Pope, except in as far as he had set them the example, by exhumating the bones of Guibert the Antipope, who had been buried at Ravenna, and casting them into the neighbouring river.

Fleury, H. E., lib. lxv. s. 44, and lib. lxvi. s. 5.

One of them was a Scotsman named David, who had presided over the schools at Wurtemberg, and whom the King had appointed his chaplain, à cause de sa vertu. He wrote a relation of this expedition, but rather as a panegyrist than a historian.'—Fle ury, lib. lxvi. s. 1, on authority of Will. Malmes., lib. v. p. 166.

the privileges which he had bestowed. This circumstance involved the Pope in great perplexity; and though it was easy to publish edicts, and advance vague and exorbitant pretensions, when the Emperor was distant or embarrassed, he could scarcely hope by such expedients to withstand his near and armed approach. In this difficulty, Pascal proved at least the sincerity of his professions, and his attachment to the best and purest interests of the Church. He had the virtue to prefer its spiritual independence to its worldly splendour, and the courage to proclaim his preference. This better part being chosen, he concluded a treaty with Henry, by which it was agreed that the bishops, on the one hand, should make to Henry a positive cession of all that belonged to the crown in the time of Louis, Henry, and his other predecessors, on pain of excommunication if they attempted to usurp such regalia; and that the Emperor, on the other, should resign the right of investiture. On this arrangement, the Pope consented to perform the ceremony of coronation*, and Henry proceeded to Rome for that purpose.

The circumstances which followed are told with some trifling variations, but were probably thus. The bishops interested in the treaty, and especially those of Germany, who would have been the greatest sufferers, felt the deepest repugnance to resign so large a portion of their splendid temporalities for a remote and invisible object, which, however it might be accessory to the honour of the Church, did not benefit their own immediate interests. Consequently they protested with so much violence against the compromise, which seemed to them to exchange a substance for a shadow, that the Pope despaired of his power to execute that condition of the treaty. In the mean time, Henry arrived at Rome: he was conducted with acclamations to the Basilica of St. Peter, where the Pope, with his Bishops and Cardinals, was waiting to receive him. The King, according to the accustomed ceremony, prostrated himself before the Pope, and kissed his feet; he then read the usual oath, and they advanced together into the churcht. But here, before they proceeded to the office of consecration, a dispute broke out respecting the fulfilment of the treaty, and it was presently inflamed into an angry quarrel. Henry availed himself of the presence of his soldiers to arrest the Pope and several Cardinals; the Roman populace took arms and endeavoured to rescue him; a fierce and tumultuous conflict ensued, and the courts of the Vatican, and even the hallowed pavement of St. Peter, were polluted with blood; but the Germans succeeded in preserving their prisoners, and carried them away to their neighbouring encampment at Viterbo. After a rigorous confinement of two months, Pascal yielded to such persuasion as a king may exercise over his captive; and then he not only performed the required ceremony, but, by a new convention, ceded unconditionally the right of investiture.

* For this compact we have the authority of Petrus Diaconus (who cites a contemporary account of the transaction) confirmed by that of Urspergens. Abbas, as follows. 'Îbi, Legati Apostolici cum missis Regis advenientes, promptum esse Papam ad consecrationem...si tamen ipse sibimet annueret libertatem Ecclesiarum, laicam ab illis prohi bens investituram-recipiendo nihilominus ab Ecclesiis Ducatus, Marchias, Comitatus, Advocatias, Moneta, Telonia, cæterorumque Regalium quæ possident summam.'—See Pagi, Vit. Pasch. II.-Fleury, lib. lxvi. s. ii.

This took place on Feb. 11, 1111. Ter se invicem complexi, ter se invicem osculati sunt; et, sicut mos, Rex dexteram Pontificis tenens cum magno populi gaudio et clamore ad Portam venit Argenteam. Ibi ex libro professionem imperatoriam faciens a Pontifice designatus est Imperator, &c.'-Acta Vaticana ap. Baronium.

The presence of the Emperor was demanded in Germany; Pascal returned to Rome; but he was saluted there by such a tempest of indignation, as to find it necessary, in the year following, to submit the whole affair, even as it involved his own personal conduct, to a very numerous Council at the Lateran. Here the Pope confessed the error into which his weakness had betrayed him; and the Council, with his consent, solemnly revoked and cancelled the treaty, and justified their perfidy by pleading the violence which had extorted it. The immediate resentment of Henry was diverted by civil disorders; but in 1117, he marched to Rome as an avowed enemy; Pascal retired to Benevento, and sought the protection of his Norman vassals, still faithful to the chair of Gregory. The Emperor presently withdrew, and Pascal returned to his see, and died; and his fortunes, in many respects similar to those of his patron, were blessed with a happier termination, since he was permitted to close his eyes at Rome. His fortunes were, in some respects, similar to those of Gregory, and similar was the audacity of his pretensions; but he wanted the firmness necessary to dignify the former, and to give weight and stability to the latter; his adversity was inglorious, and his arrogance feeble and without consequence. The levity of his character disqualified him for the task he had undertaken, and its pliancy did not compensate for its want of coherence and consistency.

Conclusion of the quarrels about Investitures.

The question respecting investitures, after having variously agitated the kingdoms of the west for half a century, was now drawing near to its final decision. After a short interval of disputed succession*, then usual on the death of every Pope, Calixtus II., Archbishop of Vienna, a Count of Burgundy, and a near relative of the Emperor, was raised to the pontifical chair. It does not appear, however, that he sacrificed to the claims of consanguinity any portion of the rights or pretensions of his see; but he consented that the differences should be submitted for their final arrangement to a Council, or Diet, to be assembled at Worms for that purpose. A Convention was there concluded, which was reasonable and permanent; its substance was this†:-(1.) That the election of bishops and abbots, in his Teutonic kingdom, take place in its rightful form, without violence or simony, in the presence of the Emperor or his legate, so that in case of a difference, his protection be given with the advice of the metropolitan to the juster claimt. (2.) That the ecclesiastic elected receive his regalia at the hand of the Emperor, and do homage for them. But (3.) that in the ceremony of investiture the Emperor no longer use the insignia of spiritual authority, but the sceptre only. A similar arrangement had previously § taken place in England between Henry I. and Pascal II.; and in Francell, if the custom of investiture by the ring and crosier ever

* Gelasius II. stands in the list of Popes as having filled that interval.

+ See Fleury, liv. lxvii. sect. 30. Pagi, Vit. Callisti II. sect. xxiv. xxv. This convention took place in September, 1122.

Si qua inter partes discordia emerserit, metropolitani provincialium consilio vel 'judicio, saniori parti assensum et auxilium præbeas.' So this clause is expressed in the acts of the Lateran Council held in the following year.

§ Probably in 1106, after a severe dispute between the Pope and King during the pri macy of Anselm. Hist. Litt. France, Vie Pascal. Pagi, Vit. Pascal. II.

Guillaume de Champeau, Bishop of Chalons, is related to have addressed (in 1119) the following discourse to the Emperor:- Sire, if you desire a substantial peace you must absolutely renounce the investiture to bishoprics and abbeys. And to assure you that you 'will thus suffer no diminution of your royal authority, let me inform you, that when I was

prevailed, which seems uncertain, it had been abolished about the same time.

The terms of this treaty, in which each party yielded what was extravagant in his claims*, were undoubtedly favourable to the Church. Her restitution of the rightful form' of election deprived the Emperor of an usurped privilege which had been extremely valuable and profitable to him, both in its use and its abuse. And since the Popes, ever after the edict of Alexander II., had claimed as indisputable the right of confirmation in episcopal election-a claim which, as it was purely ecclesiastical, the Emperor had not greatly cared to contest-a large portion of the influence which was ceded by the crown did in fact devolve on the holy see. Again, the original form of election was in no case positively restored, since the advantage of excluding the people, and even the body of the diocesan clergy, had been long and generally acknowledged; so that the right seems to have been invested almost immediately in the chapters of the cathedral Churches; at least it was confirmed to them about the end of the twelfth century.

The second condition of the Convention secured to the sovereign the civil allegiance of his ecclesiastical subjects, and repressed their dangerous struggles for entire immunity from feudal obligations. At the same time it restored to them the integrity of their ghostly independence, and cut off the last pretence for secular interference in matters strictly spiritual.

So easy and reasonable was the conclusion of that debate, which, in addition to the usual calamities of international warfare, had excited subjects against their sovereign, and children against their fathers, which had convulsed the holy Church, and overthrown its sanctuaries, and stained its altars with blood. However, on a calm historical survey of the circumstances of the conflict, and of the crimes and errors which led to them, we are little disposed to load with unmixed reprehension any individual of either party. The crimes, indeed, and the passions which produced them, were equally numerous and flagrant on either side; on the one, were tyranny and profligacy and brutal violence: arrogance and obstinacy and imposture, on the other; pride and ambition and injustice, on both. Yet our prejudices naturally incline to the imperial party; because the same or equal vices become infinitely more detestable when they are found under the banners of religiont. But the errors were those of the 'elected in the kingdom of France, I received nothing from the hand of the king, neither before " nor after consecration. Nevertheless I serve him as faithfully in virtue of the tributes ' and various other rights of the state which Christian kings have in ancient days given to 'the Church, as faithfully, I say, as your bishops in your kingdom serve you, in virtue of that investiture which has drawn such discords and anathemas on you.' Fleury, H. E. liv. lxvii.. sec. 3. The Emperor yielded to that argument.

* The peace of the Church is thus celebrated by Gotfridus of Viterbo, in his Chronicle: Reddit Apostolico Cæsar quæcunque rogavit;

Pax bona conficitur; sublata Deo reparavit ;;

Jura suæ partis lætus uterque trahit.

Mosheim is disposed to throw all the reproach of this dispute on the monastic education and character of Gregory and his two disciples; and these he contrasts with the more secular virtues which high birth and society had nourished in Calixtus. But in the first place, the whole blame is not by any means on that side, but is very equally divided with the empire; and in the next, Pascal at least did actually prove, by his arrangement with the English king, his disposition to end the controversy, on the very terms finally accepted by Calixtus. Mosheim moderates with great impartiality between contending sects, and a very great merit that is; but when the contest is between a Pope and a German sovereign, his feelings sometimes overpower his perfect judgment.