the measures it developes be good or bad. And it must be further acknowledged that the Irish School system is of too recent an organization to enable us to affirm that no lurking mischief will yet be developed. Unfortunately, too, the history of almost every government that has existed or does exist, betrays one uniform rule of action, founded upon the selfish principle of aggrandising one order at the expense and degradation of another. It matters not, therefore, what governments ought to be-in forming data of this kind it must be seen what they are. And for the same reason, it matters little how plausible the reasoning in favour of a national scheme of education may be; a few facts taken from neighbouring countries, are stubborn arguments on the other side.

France-here the centralisation principle is almost perfect. The French university-by which is meant the whole corporation of teachers throughout the country-comprises twenty-seven academies, fortyone colleges, 460 communal colleges, besides a vast number of primary schools, female seminaries, and infant schools. There are also Normal primary schools for the training of schoolmasters. The ministry of public instruction thus spends about 13,000,000 francs annually, and has some 25,000 persons dependent on them for subsistence. At the head of this vast body is placed the royal council of public instruction, whose president is the minister of public instruction. From this chief functionary down to the humblest village schoolmaster, including inspectors and commissioners of every grade, all is one perfect system of organisation and connexion. Indeed, the exertions of the French government in the cause of education seem almost incredible. And so far as the mere machinery of this system is concerned, nothing is wanted to facilitate its operations. Teachers are required to have a diploma from examinators appointed for the purpose. Each school has a special committee for its own surveillance, which again has another of a higher grade to watch over it, and so on up to the minister of instruction, who is styled "grand master." All school books are also under the inspection of committees; bad methods, books, and doctrines, are suppressed. In short, every thing connected with education is under the eye of government, and nothing that French ingenuity can suggest seems unsupplied.

There, then, if anywhere, "according to hypothesis," there ought to be magnificent results—a universally educated people; but according to the statements of a gentleman who, during a residence of thirteen years in France, devoted much of his time to examine into the nature of this centralised system, the appalling fact is, that "the French labourers and peasants are among the most ignorant of any that cover the face of the globe." He says there are hundreds of parishes where the only persons able to sign their names are the mayor and the priest; that the dame schools of our own Manchester, Liverpool,

and Salford, damp, dirty, and unwholesome, though they be, are even superior to the vast majority of the French communal schools; that in one place, the schoolmaster is a cabaretier; another, living in open adultery; a third, a liberated convict, and so on. Now it is readily granted that abuses will occur in the best system, national or local; but in contemplating such a piece of machinery as the French national scheme, in which the action gouvernementale is the sole and animating principle, the reflection forcibly occurs, whether the whole thing be not contrary to the philosophy of the human mind, and whether it be possible to project any national framework systematically conducive to its development and improvement. The existence of an inquisitorial inspection, such as these graduated committees imply, indicates a jealousy and distrust of one another, unfavourable to the right working of the plan; and the people feeling the superincumbent weight of the complicated machine, can look upon it only in the light of an oppression. The idea was Napoleon's, and of course entirely of a military character.

It would be wrong, however, to assert, that some good effects may not have resulted from it. Instruction, from whatever source derived, will enlighten a community, and confer on it to that extent a benefit; but the question is, whether more good results to the mind from instruction communicated by a system of pauperism and servility, than evil to the moral, and social, and religious feelings? It is a poor thing to say of education, that it only enlightens the mind. This, indeed, is but a secondary consideration; and if by any process of instruction, the feelings and moral habitudes are vitiated, this very enlightenment itself may produce an evil.

Prussia. It is impossible to deny the vast good done in this country by education, which is here also established by law, and compulsion. That the establishment of it, however, is wrong, must either be admitted, or the other institutions of that country defended. They are all alike despotic; and if a despotism be wrong in matters civil and political, much more so is it in those which are moral and intellectual. Prussia, however, is the boast of the centralisation principle. It is pointed to as the most widely educated country in Europe. It is also said, that the moral and criminal statistics show an advance in public morality, in exact proportion to the diminution of popular ignorance. Yet the Prussian system is a mere organ of government, for government purposes. It is of a kindred nature to our Sandhurst, Chelsea, and Greenwich schools, manufactories of suitable persons to fill government offices. It is now found to be the most powerful bulwark of the Prussian monarchy, and is kept up with despotic watchfulness. But it has done good; and the only question is, whether it has not done more evil in the doing of it. Enlightenment and freedom from crime, are great blessings to a country; but a servilising spirit, engendered by despotism, in any shape, is a great curse. It may be uncharitable to add, that there is such a thing as a freedom

from crime, brought about by means more criminal still; and if by this Prussian system of education, the Prussian throne is more firmly established in despotism, as it is said to be, the system itself is a pure evil. The good done, is the work of instruction, in spite of the iron framework thrown around it; and the knowledge thus communicated, is like the light of day streaming in upon a captive, through the bars of a dungeon, cheering, no doubt, and beneficial too, but how much more pleasant, if enjoyed in freedom! All religious establishments are bad, but that they may have done good collaterally, no one will dispute; yet such good is not to be ascribed to them. In striking contrast to France, however, the labouring population of Prussia is said to possess as great an amount of intelligence as any peasantry in Europe.

America is the antipodes of France and Austria. Here the very same results arising from education itself are to be seen, which Prussia presents, and the same correspondency between morals and enlightenment. But in the United States of America, there is literally no system at all, but much want of system; and though it may be in many cases from no higher motive than to improve the mercantile value of a child in after life, yet almost the whole youthful population of cities and towns, where schools exist, are educated. It is calculated that about 60,000 teachers from New England alone are annually employed in the United States. In the non-slaveholding states, particularly Massachusetts, no citizen is found who cannot read, write, and cast accounts. This is, therefore, superior to Prussia itself, and ten times more so than France. And Mr. Baptist Noel, in his report to the Committee of Council on Education, mentions, that in six states of the American Union, one-fourth of the whole population is under instruction; while in eight countries or provinces in Europe, there is only one-sixth. But in America there is no public minister, and no uniform plan established in any two states. The whole is managed by families and local committees.

The Scottish parochial system is objectionable in many points; but it certainly furnishes another proof of the superior efficacy of a local administration to a government one. Its most objectionable feature is its connexion with the established church; but the good it has done is proverbial; and to compare the Scottish peasantry with the French, is a comparison of light with darkness. In Belgium, educational freedom exists, and instruction is far superior to the French. In Austrian Italy there are an infant and a primary school in every commune; and popular instruction is a local concern in Switzerland, where another proof is afforded of a well-educated and moral people under a voluntary system. In Sweden education is local, and an uneducated individual is hardly to be found. It would be easy to enumerate other instances; but these may suffice to show that something more than a plausible theory is necessary to substantiate the claims of national education to

be regarded as a public benefit. And on the other hand, principles must be acknowledged to have a prior claim upon our regard than results. A thousand contingencies may intervene, to prevent the best schemes from being carried into effect, or to thwart and neutralise their operation when adopted. In the mean time, amidst conflicting views and feelings on this subject, our own course is clear. There is an element in the case of this country, too, that gives it a different aspect from all others throughout Europe. The religious community is divided, as in the United States of America, into many sections; and it is the glory of our country that it is so. It is indicative of a spirit of inquiry and a freedom of acting according to conviction; and it is a jealousy of this liberty of feeling and acting according to conscience, being in the least degree invaded by any foreign interference whatever, that roused the Christian public in arms. This was lately attempted, but failed. We threw off, or rather indignantly refused to be bound by the shackles forged for us, by the projectors of the last miscalled national scheme, and our hands are free; but, as the present spirit-stirring movement of our body declares, we do not intend to fold them in apathy, but to work the work that is given us to do, and to do it with all our might. Yes, that measure has had one good result. It has roused to action the slumbering energies of our churches, and directed them to a work loudly calling for attention. The deficiency of our schools indeed, in point of numbers, is no less notorious than the inefficiency of those in existence. Let us, therefore, come to the work in the true spirit of reform. Let the schools of our connexion be established upon a new basis; let the most approved plans of teaching be adopted, masters and mistresses whose hearts are in the work secured, and an efficient local system of school management appointed, if possible, in every district where we have a church.

One of the most striking features of the present times, is the vast improvement that has been made in the art of communicating instruction, and of moral training. Where are men and women to be found, practically acquainted with this art? The answer is, that being an art, it can only be acquired by practice. Noviciates must therefore be instructed in the art. The schools about to be established, must be of a superior character. Candidates for such situations must therefore undergo a preparatory course. The Borough Road Normal Training Seminary is open to all. They must enter there, or in some equally effective establishment, as students to observe, and as artists to copy, the plans adopted at that model institution. They must throw themselves into the work, and practise under the eye and direction of the head master the same plans he follows, scrutinise the nature and form of his questions, observe his every attitude, tone of voice, and manner, in the moral governance of the masses under his charge. By such means, under the blessing of God, they will come forth fitted to the great work

of guiding the education of the young,-a work second only in importance, even if second it be, to the Christian ministry itself. Over these schools must also be placed an efficient system of inspection. This is an arrangement of vital importance to the working out of the plan. These inspectors, however, must be themselves practical men, having an acquaintance with the art and science of the profession;-not government inquisitors, entering a school with a bland and courteous demeanour, but with the avowed intention of noting down and reporting as many faults as they can. The inspector must be the friend and counsellor of the teacher, able to assist him with advice in suggesting plans for the better management of his school, and encouragement to cheer and support him amidst his arduous labours.

Such an organisation will doubtless grow up for our body from the recent vigorous proceedings of the Congregational Union of England and Wales. The Committee of Education appointed at Leeds last October, invited a conference, which was held in the metropolis during the past month. It was a noble and joyous occasion-the discussions were characterised by wisdom, forbearance, and love.

A scale of contributions was set up which equals that of our Sovereign and her nobles for a similar object. We doubt not but the impulse thus given to the cause of general education will be felt throughout the kingdom, and that when our plans shall be matured and confirmed at the coming annual assembly of the body in May next, it will be seen that the threatened aggressions of the last session have so stimulated our churches to educational labour, that the curse is turned into a blessing.

The Perils of the Nation: An Appeal to the Legislature, the Clergy, and the Higher Classes. pp. xxxvi., 384. Second edition, revised. Seeley, Burnside, and Seeley. 1843.

ONE of the greatest perils of the nation is the counsel of men who seek to avert them. When we consider the various and opposite advice and prescriptions of men, some good and some bad, some wise and some foolish, some dishonest and some sincere, agreeing in nothing but contempt of each other's judgment, and suspicion of each other's motives, we are convinced that it must be a great chance, or a great providence, that will keep us safe and make us prosperous in the midst of all, and in spite of most. That there are such things as national perils, that we are exposed to them, we have no disposition to deny. Whatever the surface of things may show, in the way of commercial relief, restored quiet, and improved feeling as to some great moral and public questions, the danger is deep and desperate. They who look into the temper of the times, who note the lessons of history, and understand the laws and principles of events, will be the least disposed