sent his own knife to be used in cutting off his head and hands, which were to be brought to him.

Meautime Squanto came and delivered himself up to the governor, charging Hobomok with his overthrow, and telling him to deliver him or not to the messengers of Massasoit, as he thought fit. It seems from the narrative that, as the governor was about to do it, they grew impatient at the delay, and went off in a rage. The delay was occasioned by the appearance of a boat in the harbor, which the governor pretended might be that of an enemy, as there had been a rumor that the French had meditated breaking up the settlement of the English in this region. This, however, was doubtless only a pretence, and employed to wear out the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Hence that Massasoit should for some time after "seem to frown" on the English, as they complain, is certainly no wonder.

The next summer, in June or July, Massasoit was visited by several of the English, among whom was Mr. Edward Winslow, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and Squanto as their interpreter. Their object was to find out his place of residence, in case they should have to call upon him for assistance; to keep good the friendly correspondence commenced at Plimouth; and especially to cause him to prevent his men from hanging about them, and living upon them, which was then considered very burdensome, as they had begun to grow short of provisions. That their visit might be acceptable, they took along, for a present, a trooper's red coat, with some lace upon it, and a copper chain; with these Massasoit was exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told him, he must send as a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they might not be imposed upon by strangers.

When the English arrived at Pokanoket, Massasoit was absent, but was immediately sent for. Being informed that he was coming, the English began to prepare to shoot off their guns; this so frightened the women and children, that they ran away, and would not return until the interpreter assured them that they need not fear; and when Massasoit arrived, they saluted him by a discharge, at which he was very much elated; and "who, after their manner, (says one of the company,) kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him, where, having delivered our message and presents, and having put the coat on his back, and the chain about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also, to see their king so bravely attired."* A new treaty was now held with him, and he very good-naturedly assented to all that was desired. He then made a speech to his men, many of them being assembled to see the English, which, as near as they could learn its meaning, acquainted them with what course they might pursue in regard to the English. Among other things, he said, "Am I not Massasoit, commander of the country about us? Is not such and such places mine, and the people of them? They shall take their skins to the English." This his people applauded. In his speech, "he named at least thirty places," over which he had control. "This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of England and of the king's majesty, marvelling that he should live without a wife." He seems to have been embittered against the French, and wished "us not to suffer them to come to Narraganset, for it was King James's country, and he was King James's man." He had no victuals at this time to give to the English, and night coming on, they retired to rest supperless. He had but one bed, if so it might be called, "being only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a thin mat

* Mourt's Relation, in Col. Mass. Hist. Soc.

upon them."* "He laid us on the bed with himself and his wife, they at the one end, and we at the other. Two more of his men, for want of room, pressed by and upon us; so that we were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey."

"The next day, many of their sachims or petty governors came to see us, and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of games for skins and knives." It is amusing to learn that the English tried to get a chance in this gambling affair. They say, "There we challenged them to shoot with them for skins," but they were too cunning for them, "only they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark; who shooting with hail shot, they wondered to see the mark so full of holes."

The next day, about one o'clock, Massasoit brought two large fishes and boiled them; but the pilgrims still thought their chance for refreshment very small, as "there were at least forty looking for a share in them;" but scanty as it was, it came very timely, as they had fasted two nights and a day. The English now left him, at which he was very sorrowful. "Very importunate he was (says our author) to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to keep the sabbath at home, and feared we should either be light-headed for want of sleep; for what with bad lodging, the savages' barbarous singing, (for they used to sing themselves asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, and musketoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there; we much fearing, that if we should stay any longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that, on Friday morning, before sunrising, we took our leave, and departed, Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed, that he could no better entertain us. And retaining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, in his place, whom we had found faithful before and after upon all occasions.” This faithful servant, Tokamahamon, was in the famous "voyage to the kingdom of Nauset," and was conspicuous for his courage in the expedition against Caunbitant.

In 1623, Massasoit sent to his friends in Plimouth to inform them that he was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if possible, the governor despatched Mr. Winslow again, with some medicines and cordials, and Hobbomok, as interpreter; "having one Master John Hamden, a gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort." In their way they found many of his subjects were gone to Pokanoket, it being their custom for all friends to attend on such occasions. "When we came thither (says Mr. Winslow) we found the house so full of men, as we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make way for us. There were they in

* La Salle says (Expedition in America, p. 11.) of the Indians' beds in general, that "they are made up with some pieces of wood, upon which they lay skins full of wool or straw, but, for their covering, they use the finest sort of skins, or else mats finely wrought."

† Winslow's Relation. The Mr. Hamden mentioned, is supposed, by some, to be the celebrated John Hamden, famous in the time of Charles I., and who died of a wound received in an attempt to intercept Prince Rupert, near Oxford, while supporting the cause of the parliament. See Rapin's England, ii. 477, and Kennet, iii. 137.

It would be highly gratifying, could the certainty of this matter be known; but, as yet, we must acknowledge that all is mere speculation. Nevertheless, we are pleased to meet with the names of such valued martyrs of, liberty upon any page, and even though they should sometimes seem rather mal apropos to the case in hand. We cannot learn that any of Hamden's biographers have discovered that he visited America. Still there is a strong presumption that he was

"The village Hampden, that, with dauntless breast,
The little tyrant of his fields withstood."

Gray's Elegy.

the midst of their charms for him, making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and, therefore, unlike to ease him that was sick. About him were six or eight women, who chafed his arms, legs and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, who was come. They told him Winsnow, (for they cannot pronounce the letter 1, but ordinarily n in the place thereof.)* He desired to speak with me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very inwardly, Keen Winsnow? which is to say, Art thou Winsnow? I answered, Ahhe, that is, Yes. Then he doubled these words: Matla neen wonckanet namen, Winsnow! that is to say, O Winslow, I shall never see thee again!" But contrary to his own expectations, as well as all his friends, by the kind exertions of Mr. Winslow, he in a short time entirely recovered. This being a passage of great interest in the life of the great Massasoit, we will here go more into detail concerning it. When he had become able to speak, he desired Mr. Winslow to provide him a broth from some kind of fowl: "so (says he) I took a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of ducks, some sixscore paces off, and killed one, at which he wondered: so we returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth therewith, which he much desired; never did I see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat it; this he acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would not be persuaded to it, though 1 pressed it very much, showing the strength thereof, and the weakness of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in health." As Winslow had said, it made him very sick, and he vomited with such violence that it made the blood stream from his nose. This bleeding caused them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. When his nose ceased bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not awake for 6 or 8 hours more. After he awoke, Mr. Winslow washed his face "and supplied his beard and nose with a linnen cloth," when taking a quantity of water into his nose, by fiercely ejecting it, the blood began again to flow, and again his attendants thought he could not recover, but, to their great satisfaction, it soon stopped, and he gained strength rapidly.

For this attention of the English he was very grateful, and always believed that his preservation at this time was from the benefit received from Mr. Winslow. In his way on his visit to Massasoit, he broke a bottle containing some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem's recovery, wrote a letter to the governor of Plimouth for another, and some chickens, and giving him an account of his success thus far. The intention was no sooner made known to Massasoit, than one of his men was set off, at two o'clock at night, for Plimouth, who returned again with astonishing quickness. The chickens being alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and, being better, would not suffer them to be killed,

*Every people, and consequently every language, have their peculiarities. Baron Lahontan, Memoires de la Amerique, ii. 236, 237, says, "Je dirai de la langue des Hurons and des Iroquois une chose assez curieuse, qui est qu'il ne s'y trouve point de lettres labiales; c'est a dire, de b, f, m, p. Cependant, cette langue des Hurons paroît être fort belle et de un son tout a fait beau; quoi qu'ils ne ferment jamais leurs lévres en parlant." And "J'ai passé quatre jours à vouloir faire prononcer à des Hurons les lettres labiales, mais je n'ai pu y réussir, et je crois qu'en dix ans ils ne pourrout dire ces mots, bon, fils, Monsieur, Pontchartrain; car au lieu de dire bon, ils diroient ouon, au lieu de fils, is prononceroient rils; au lieu de monsieur, caounsieur, au lieu de Pontchartrain, Conchar train." Hence it seems their languages are analogous.

and kept them, with the idea of raising more. While at Marsasoit's residence, and just as they were about to depart, the sachem told Hobomok of a plot laid by some of his subordinate chiefs for the purpose of cutting off the two English plantations, which he charged him to acquaint the English with, which he did. Massasoit stated that he had been urged to join in it, or give his consent thereunto, but had always refused, and used his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of the evils which that plot brought upon its authors will be found in the history of Wittuwamet.

At this time the English became more sensible of the real virtues of Massasoit than ever before. His great anxiety for the welfare of his people was manifested by his desiring Mr. Winslow, or, as Winslow himself expresses it, "He caused me to go from one to another, [in his village,] requesting me to wash their mouths also, [many of his people being sick at that time,] and give to each of them some of the same I gave him, saying they were good folk." An account of his character as given by Hobomok will be found in the life of that chief or paniese.

"Many whilst we were there (says Winslow) came to see him; some, by their report, from a place not less than 100 miles from thence."

In 1632, a short war was carried on between Massasoit and Canonicus, the sachem of the Narragansets, but the English interfering with a force under the spirited Capt. Standish, ended it with very little bloodshed. Massasoit expected a serious contest; and, as usual on such occasions, changed his name, and was ever after known by the name of Owsamequin. or Ousamequin. Our historical records furnish no particulars of his war with the Narragansets, further than we have stated.

We may infer from a letter written by Roger Williams, that some of Plimouth instigated Massasoit, or Ousamequin, as we should now call him, to lay claim to Providence, which gave that good man some trouble, because, in that case, his lands were considered as belonging to Plimouth, in whose jurisdiction he was not suffered to reside; and, moreover, he had bought and paid for all he possessed, of the Narraganset sachems. It was in 1635 that Mr Williams fled to that country, to avoid being seized and sent to England. He found that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh were at bitter enmity with Ousamequin, but by his great exertions he restored peace, without which he could not have been secure, in a border of the dominion of either. Ousamequin was well acquainted with Mr. Williams, whom he had often seen during his two years' residence at Plimouth, and was a great friend to him, and therefore he listened readily to his benevolent instructions; giving up the land in dispute between himself and the Narraganset sachems, which was the island now called Rhode Island, Prudence Island, and perhaps some others, together with Providence. "And (says Mr. Williams) I never denied him, nor Meantinomy, whatever they desired of me." Hence their love and attachment for him, for this is their own mode of living.

It appears that, before Miantunnomoh's reverses of fortune, he had, by some means or other, got possession of some of the dominions of Ousamequin. For at the meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in the autumn of 1643, they order, "That Plymouth labor by all due means to restore Woosamequin to his full liberties, in respect of any encroachments by the Nanohiggansetts, or any other natives; that so the properties of the Indians may be preserved to themselves, and that no one sagamore encroach upon the rest as of late: and that Woosamequin be reduced to those former terms and agreements between Plymouth and him."*

Under date 1638, Gov. Winthrop says, "Owsamekin, the sachem of

* Records of the U. Colonies.

Acoomemeck, on this side Connecticut, came to [him] the governor, and brought a present of 18 skins of beaver from himself and the sachems of Mohegan beyond Connecticut and Pakontuckett." They having heard that the English were about to make war upon them was the cause of their sending this present. The governor accepted it, and told Ousamequin, that if they had not wronged the English, nor assisted their enemies, they had nothing to fear; and, giving him a letter to the governor of Connecticut, dismissed him well satisfied.*

In 1649, Ousamequin sold to Miles Standish, and the other inhabitants of Duxbury, "a tract of land usually called Saughtucket," seven miles square. This was Bridgewater. It had been before granted to them, only, however, in preemption. They agreed to pay Ousamequin seven coats, of a yard and a half each, nine hatchets, eight hoes, twenty knives, four moose skins, and ten and a half yards of cotton cloth.

By a deed bearing date 9th March, 1653, Ousamequin and his son Wamsitto, [Wamsutta,] afterwards called Alexander, sold to the English of Plimouth "all those severall parcells of land lyeing on the south-easterly side of Sinkunke, alias Rehoboth, bounded by a little brooke of water called Moskituash westerly, and soe runing by a dead swamp eastward, and soe by marked trees as Ousamequin and Wamsitto directed, unto the great riuer, and all the meadow about the sides of both, and about the neck called Chachacust, also Papasquash neck, also the meadow from the bay to Keecomewett," &c. For this the consideration was "£35 sterling."

By a writing bearing date" this twenty-one of September, 1657," Ousamequin says, "I Vssamequen do by these presents ratify and allow the sale of a certain island called Chesewanocke, or Hogg Island, which my son Wamsitta sold to Richard Smith, of Portsmouth in R. I., with my consent, which deed of sale or bargain made the 7th of February in the year 1653, I do ratify, own and confirm."

In 1656, Mr. Williams says that Ousamequin, by one of his sachems, 66 was at daily feud with Pumham about the title and lordship of Warwick;" and that hostility was daily expected. But we are not informed that any thing serious took place.

This is the year in which it has been generally supposed that Ousamequin died, but it is an error of Hutchinson's transplanting from Mr. Hubbard's work into his own. That an error should flourish in so good a soil as that of the "History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay," is no wonder; but it is a wonder that the "accurate Hutchinson" should set down that date, from that passage of the Indian Wars, which was evidently made without reflection. It being at that time thought a circumstance of no consequence.

That the sachem of Pokanoket should be scarcely known to our records between 1657 and 1661, a space of only about three years, as we have shown, is not very surprising, when we reflect that he was entirely subservient to the English, and nearly or quite all of his lands being before disposed of, or given up to them. This, therefore, is a plain reason why we do not meet with his name to deeds and other instruments. And, besides this consideration, another sachem was known to be associated with him at the former period, who seems to have acted as Ousamequin's representative.

He was alive in 1661, and as late in that year as September. Several months previous to this, Oneko, with about seventy men, fell upon a defenceless town within the dominions of Ousamequin, killing three persons and carrying away six others captive. He complained to the General

* Journal, i. 264.