but a little man; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground."

Standish now sent to a company of Weston's men, and ordered them to kill the Indians that were among them. They killed two. Himself with some of his men killed another, at another place. As they were pursuing this business, intending to kill all they could lay hands upon, "through the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered [disclosed] and crossed their proceedings."

Joined by some of Mr. Weston's men, Standish discovered a few Indians, and pursued them. Standish gained a hill which the Indians also strove to occupy, and who, after shooting a few arrows, fled. "Whereupon Hobbamock cast off his coat, and being a known paniese, theirs being now killed, chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him." One who made a stand to shoot Standish had his arm broken by a shot, which is all the advantage claimed by the English. The Indians got into a swamp, and after some bravadoing on both sides, the parties separated. After assisting the settlers of Wessaguscus to leave the place, the English returned to Plimouth, taking along the head of Wittuwamet, which they set up in their fort.

Meanwhile the Indian that followed Prat from Wessaguscus, as he returned from Manomet, called at Plimouth in a friendly manner, and was there seized and put in irons. Being asked if he knew the head of Wittuwamat, said he did, and “looked piteously" upon it. "Then he confessed the plot," and said his sachem, Obtakiest, had been drawn into it by the importunity of all the people. He denied any hand in it himself, and begged his life might be spared. Said he was not a Massachuset, but only resided as a stranger among them. Hobomok "also gave a good report of him, and besought for him; but was bribed so to do it." They finally concluded to spare him, "the rather, because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest." The message they charged him with was this, that they had never intended to deal so with him, until they were forced to it by their treachery, and, therefore, they might thank themselves for their own overthrow; and as he had now began, if he persisted in his course, "his country should not hold him;" that he should forthwith send to Plimouth "the three Englishmen he had, and not kill them."*

The English heard nothing from Obtakiest for a long time; at length he sent a woman to them, (probably no man would venture,) to tell them he was sorry that the English were killed, before he heard from them, also that he wished for peace, but none of his men durst come to treat about it. The English learned from this woman, that he was in great consternation, "having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, expecting when we would take further vengeance on him." The terror was now general among them, and many, as we have elsewhere said, died through fear and want. To this dismal narrative Mr. Winslow adds, “And certainly it is strange to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst them; neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease; because through fear they set little or no corn, which is the staff of life, and without which they cannot long preserve health and strength."

These affairs call for no commentary, that must accompany every mind through every step of the relation. It would be weakness, as ap

# Morton, in his New Canaan, 111, says, these three men went to reside with Chikataubut; hence Morton very reasonably suggests, that if the Plimouth people intended the men of Wessaguscus any good, why did they not first see that all of them were out of danger, before beginning war?

pears to us, to attempt a vindication of the rash conduct of the English. Amid their sufferings, some poor Indians resolved to attempt to appease the wrath of the English governor by presents. Four set out by water in a boat for Plimouth, but by accident were overset, and three of them were drowned; the other returned back.

When Mr. Robinson, the father of the Plimouth church, heard how his people had conducted in this affair with the Indians, he wrote to them, to consider of the disposition of Capt. Standish, "who was of a warm temper," but he hoped the Lord had sent him among them for a good end, if they used him as they ought. "He doubted," he said, "whether there was not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after God's image," which was so necessary; and above all, that "it would have been happy if they had converted some before they had killed any."

The reader has now passed through a period of Indian history of much interest; wherein he will doubtless have found much to admire, and more that he could have wished otherwise. Our business, however, we will here remind him, is that of a dealer in facts altogether, and he must take them, dry as they are, without any labored commentaries from us. Although we have had occasion to introduce Hobomok several times, yet there remain transactions of considerable interest in his life yet to be noticed.

Hobomok, or Hobbamock, was a great paniese or war captain among the Wampanoags, as we have already had occasion to observe. He came to Plimouth about the end of July, 1621, and continued with the English as long as he lived. He was a principal means of the lasting friendship of Massasoit, which Morton says, he "much furthered; and that he was a proper lusty young man, and one that was in account among the Indians in those parts for his valor." He was of the greatest service in learning them how to cultivate such fruits as were peculiar to the country, such as corn, beans, &c. The account of his mission to Massasoit, to learn the truth of a report that the Narragansets had made war upon him, and his interruption and trouble from Caunbitant are already related. Being a favorite of Massasoit, and one of his chief captains, the pilgrims found that they need not apprehend any treachery on his part, as Hobomok was so completely in their interest, and also in that of the great sachem, that he would advise them if any thing evil were on foot against them. What strengthened them in this opinion was the following circumstance. The Massachusetts Indians had for some time been inviting the English into their country to trade for furs. When, in March, 1622, they began to make ready for the voyage, Hobomok “told us, (says Winslow,) that he feared the Massachusetts, or Massachuseuks, for they so called the people of that place, were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganneuks, a people of Nanohigganset, and that they, therefore, would take this opportunity to cut off Capt. Standish and his company abroad; but howsoever, in the meantime, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the town at home; giving many reasons for his jealousy; as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who, [he said,] we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians' houses for their better advantage."

Nevertheless, they proceeded on their voyage, and when they had turned the point called the Gurnet's Nose, a false messenger came running into Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and bleeding from a wound in his face. He told them that Caunbitant, with many of the Narragansets, and he believed Massasoit with them, were coming to destroy the English. No one doubted of his sincerity, and the first thought of the people was to bring back their military leader,

who had just gone in the boat with Hobomok. A piece of cannon was immediately discharged, which, to their great joy, soon caused the boat to return, not having got out of hearing. They had no sooner arrived, than Hobomok told them there was no truth in the report, and said it was a plot of Squanto, who was then with them, and even one of those in the boat; that he knew Massasoit would not undertake such an enterprise without consulting him. Hobomok was confident, because he was himself a great chief, and one of Massasoit's counsellors. Squanto denied all knowledge of any plot, and thus ended the affair. The English, however, seemed well satisfied that Squanto had laid this shallow plot to set them against Massasoit, thinking they would destroy him, by which means he expected to become chief sachem himself; and this seems the more probable, as Massasoit was for some time irreconcilable because they withheld him from him, when he had forfeited his life, as in our narration has been set forth. But entirely to satisfy the English, Hobomok sent his wife to Pokanoket privately to gain exact intelligence, and her return only verified what her husband had said.

"Thus by degrees (continues Winslow) we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and favor with us; not caring who fell, so he stood. In general, his course was, to persuade them he could lead us to peace or war at his pleasure; and would oft threaten the Indians, sending them word, in a private manner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himself, to work their peace, insomuch as they had him in greater esteem than many of their sachems: yea, they themselves sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of us; yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas divers were wont to rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to leave him, and seek after Tisquantum. But when we understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have no cause to fear: and if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars, and seekers of their and our disturbance; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides." "For these and the like abuses, the governor sharply reproved him, yet was he so necessary and profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him."

To the end that he might possess his countrymen with great fear of the English, Tisquantum told them the English kept the plague buried in their store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any place, to destroy whatever persons or people they would, though they themselves stirred not out of doors. Among the rest, he had made Hobomok believe this tale, who asked the English if it were true, and being informed that it was not, it exploded like his other impostures.

There is but little doubt, that Squanto was in the interest of Caunbitant, and lived among the English as a spy, while Hobomok was honestly, as he pretended, a strong friend to them; but for some time it was nearly impossible for them to know which was their best friend, as each seemed emulous to outvie the other in good offices. They were, however, at this time satisfied; for, Hobomok's wife having told Massasoit what had happened, and that it was one of Squanto's men that gave the alarm, satisfied him that that sagamore had caused it, and he therefore demanded him of the English, that he might put him to death, according to their law, as has been related. But the English, regarding the benefit resulting to them from saving his life, more than keeping inviolate the treaty before made with Massasoit, evaded the demand, and thus Squanto was permitted to escape.

40

A VOYAGE.-NANEPASHEMET.-OBBATINEWAT.

[BOOK II. Hobomok was greatly beloved by Massasoit, notwithstanding he became a professed Christian, and Massasoit was always opposed to the English religion himself. It has been told in the life of the great Massasoit, how valuable was the agency of Hobomok, in faithfully revealing the mischievous plot of Caunbitant, which terminated in the death of Wittuwamet and Peksuot. He was the pilot of the English when they visited Massasoit in his sickness, whom before their arrival they considered dead, which caused great manifestations of grief in Hobomok. He often exclaimed, as they were on their way, "Neen womasu Sagimus, neen womasu Sagimus, &c.," which is, "My loving Sachem, my loving Sachem! many have I known, but never any like thee." Then, turning to Mr. Winslow, said, "While you live you will never see his like among the Indians; that he was no liar, nor bloody and cruel like other Indians. In anger and passion he was soon reclaimed; easy to be reconciled towards such as had offended him; that his reason was such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men; and that he governed his people better with few blows, than others did with many."

In the division of the land at Plimouth among the inhabitants, Hobomok received a lot as his share, on which he resided after the English manner, and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does not appear, but was previous to 1642.

It has already been mentioned that the pilgrims made a voyage to Massachusetts in the autumn of 1621. It was in this voyage that they became acquainted with the fame of Nanepashemet. The English had heard that the Indians in the Massachusetts had threatened them, and they went (says Mourt) "partly to see the country, partly to make peace with them, and partly to procure their truck.”

Squanto was pilot in this voyage. They went ashore in the bottom of the bay, and landed under a cliff which some* have supposed was what has been since called Copp's Hill,+ now the north part of Boston. This was on 20th Sept. 1621. They saw no Indians until some time after they went ashore, but found a parcel of lobsters which they had collected, with which they refreshed themselves. Soon after, as they were proceeding on an excursion, "they met a woman coming for her lobsters." They told her what they had done, and paid her for them. She told them where to find Indians, and Squanto went to them to prepare them for meeting with the English.

Qbbatinewat now received the voyagers. This sachem (if he be the same) had made peace with the English at Plimouth only seven days previous, as we have had occasion to say before. He told them he was sachem of the place, and was subject to Massasoit; and that he dared not remain long in any place, from fear of the Tarratines, who were "wont to come at harvest and take away their corn, and many times kill them." Also that Squaw-Sachem of Massachusetts was his enemy. This Squaw-Sachem, as we believe, was chief of those inland Indians since denominated the Nipnets, or Nipmucks, and lived at this time near Wachuset Mountain. The English intended§ to have visited her at this

* Dr. Belknap appears to have been the first who suggested this. See his Biog. ii. 224.

We had supposed this eminence to have been so called from a copse or clump of trees, which for a long time remained upon it, after it became known to the whites; but Shaw, Descrip. Boston, 67, says it was named from one Copp, a shoemaker. And Snow, Hist. Boston, 105, says William Cupp was the proprietor of "a portion of the hill."

"Sachems or sagamores,-which are but one and the same title,-the first more usual with the southward, the other with the northward Indians, to express the title of him that hath the chief command of a place or people." Hist. N. E. 60.

g Mr. Shattuck (Hist. Concord, 2) says she was visited at this time by these voyagers,

time, but found the distance too great to proceed. They received the greatest kindness from all the Indians they met with, and mentioned that of Obbatinewat in particular. And they say, "We told him of divers sachims that had acknowledged themselves to be King James his men, and if he also would submit himself,* we would be his safeguard from his enemies, which he did."

At another place, "Having gone three miles, in arms, up in the country, we came (say they) to a place where corn had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemet, their king, in his life-time had lived. His house was not like others, but a scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill. Not far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort," built by Nanepashemet. It was made with "poles some 30 or 40 foot long, stuck in the ground, as thick as they could be set one by another, and with these they enclosed a ring some 40 or 50 foot over. A trench, breast high, was digged on each side. One way there was to get into it with a bridge. In the midst of this palisado stood the frame of an house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried. About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top of an hill. Here Nanepashemet was killed, none dwelling in it since the time of his death."

According to Mr. Lewis, Nanepashemet was killed about the year 1619, and his widow, who was Squaw-Sachem before named, continued the government. He left five children,|| four of whose names we gather from the interesting History of Lynn; viz. 1. Montowampate, called by the English Sagamore James. He was sachem of Saugus. 2. Abigail, a daughter. 3. Wonohaquaham, called Sagamore John, sachem of Winnesimet. 4. Winnepurkitt, called Sagamore George, or George Rumneymarsh, the successor of Montowampate at Saugus. Of most of these we shall speak in detail hereafter.

Squaw-Sachem, according to the authority last mentioned, was the spouse of Wappacowet, or Webcowit, in 1635. She and her husband, four years after, 1639, deeded to Jotham Gibbones "the reversion of all that parcel of land which lies against the ponds of Mystic, together with the said ponds, all which we reserved from Charlestown and Cambridge, late called Newtown, after the death of me, the said Squaw-Sachem." The consideration was, "the many kindnesses and benefits we have received from the hands of Capt. Edward Gibbones, of Boston."

The SQUA-SACHEM's mark
WEBCOWIT's mark

Webcowit was a powwow priest, or magical physician, and was considered next in importance to Nanepashemet among the subjects of that chief, after his death; as a matter of course, his widow took him to her bed. It does not appear, that he was either much respected or thought much of; especially by his wife, as in the above extract from their deed,

but I am not able to arrive at any such conclusion from any source of information in my possession.

*It does not seem from this that he is the same who before had submitted at Plimouth, as Mr. Prince supposes.

+ Mr. Shattuck, in his valuable Hist. Concord, says, this "was in Medford, near Mys

tic Pond."

Might not, then, the western mounds have been formed by Indians?

Hist. Lynn, 16.

Shattuck, ib. who fixes her residence at Concord; she, doubtless, had several places of residence.

His name is spelt Webcowits to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. Shattuck's MSS. Wibbacowitts, as appears from his History.