"Before I came here I expected the burden had been thrown upon me, Pes sacus not having done what he agreed to do. However, I have considered upon the treaty of 1645, and am resolved to give the English satisfaction in all things. I will send some of my men immediately to Narraganset and Niantick, to raise the wampum now due to them, and hope to hear what they will do in three days. In ten days I think the wampum will arrive, and I will stay here until it comes. I will tell this to the Narraganset confederates. But if there should not enough at this time be raised, I desire some forbearance as to time, as I assure you that the remainder shall be shortly paid, and you shall see me true to the English, henceforth."

This speech gave the commissioners great satisfaction, and they proceeded to other business.

The messengers sent out by Ninigret did not return so soon as was expected, but on the 16 August, notice was given of their arrival; sadly, however, to the disappointment of the commissioners, for they brought only 200 fathom of wampum. The feelings of the court were somewhat changed, and they rather sternly demanded "what the reason was, that, so much being due, so little was brought, and from whom this 200 fathom came." Ninigret answered that he was disappointed that more had not been brought, but said, if he had been at home more would have been obtained: that 100 fathom was sent by Pessacus, and the other 100 by his people.

The commissioners say, that "not thinking it meet to begin a present war, if satisfaction, (though with a little forbearance, may be had otherwise,)" told Ninigret, that since he had said the wampum would have been gathered and paid if he had been at home himself, they would now give him 20 days to go and get it in; and if he could not procure enough by 500 fathom, still they would not molest him until "next spring planting time." That as so much was still due, they would reckon the present before mentioned, but if they did not bring 1000 fathom in twenty days, the commissioners would send no more messengers into his country, "but take course to right themselves." That if they were "forced to seek satisfaction by arms, he and his confederates must not expect to make their peace, as lately they had done, by a little wampum. In the mean time, though for breach of covenants they might put their hostages to death, yet the commissioners would forthwith deliver the children to Ninigret, expecting from him the more care to see engagements fully satisfied. And if they find him real in his performance, they will charge all former neglects upon Pessacus," and "in such case they expect from Ninigret his best assistance, when he shall be required to recover the whole remainder from him. All which Ninigret cheerfully accepted, and promised to perform accordingly.”

Notwithstanding all their promises, the Narragansets had not discharged their debt at the end of two years more, though in that time they had paid about 1100 fathom of wampum. At their meeting this year, 1649, at Boston, "the commissioners were minded of the continued complaint of Uncas" against the Narragansets, that they were "still vndermining his peace and seeking his ruine," and had lately endeavored "to bring in the Mowhaukes vppon him," which failing, they next tried to take away his life by witchcraft. A Narraganset Indian, named Cuttaquin, "in an English vessel, in Mohegan River, ran a sword into his breast, wherby nee receeved, to all appearance, a mortal wound, which murtherus acte

* Glad, no doubt, to rid themselves of the expense of keeping them; for it must be remembered, that the English took them upon the condition that they should support them at their own expense.

the assalant then confessed hee was, for a considerable sum of wampum, by the Narragansett and Nianticke sachems, hired to attempt."

Meanwhile Ninigret, understanding what was to be urged against him, appeared suddenly at Boston before the commissioners. The old catalogue of delinquencies was read over to him, with several new ones appended. As it respected Cuttaquin's attempt upon the life of Uncas, Ninigret said that neither he nor Pessacus had any hand in it, but that "he [Cuttaquin] was drawn thereunto by torture from the Mohegans;" "but he was told, that the assailant, before he came into the hands of the Mohegans, presently after the fact was committed, layed the charge upon him, with the rest, which he confirmed, the day following, to Capt. Mason, in the presence of the English that were in the bark with him, and often reiterated it at Hartford, though since he hath denied it: that he was presented to Uncas under the notion of one appertaining to Vssamequin, whereby he was acknowledged as his friend, and no provocation given him." Cuttaquin had affirmed, it was said, that his desperate condition caused him to attempt the life of Uncas, "through his great engagement to the said sachems, having received a considerable quantity of wampum, which he had spent, who otherwise would have taken away his life."

The judgment of the court was, that the sachems were guilty, and we next find them engaged in settling the old account of wampum. Ninigret had got the commissioners debited more than they at first were willing to allow. They say that it appeared by the auditor's account, that no more than 1529 fathom hath been credited, "nor could Ninigret by any evidence make any more to appear, only he alleged that about 600 fathom was paid by measure which he accounted by tale, wherein there was considerable difference. The commissioners, not willing to adhere to any strict terms in that particular, (and though by agreement it was to be paid by measure and not by tale,) were willing to allow 62 fathom and half in that respect, so that there remains due 408 fathom. But Ninigret persisting in his former affirmation, and not endeavored to give any reasonable satisfaction to the commissioners in the premises, a small inconsiderable parcel of beaver being all that was tendered to them, though they understood he was better provided." They therefore gave him to understand that they were altogether dissatisfied, and that he might go his own way, as they were determined to protect Uncas according to their treaty with him.

The commissioners now expressed the opinion among themselves, that affairs looked rather turbulent, and advised that each colony should hold itself in readiness to act as circumstances might require," which they the rather present to consideration, from an information they received since their sitting, of a marriage shortly intended betwixt Ninigret's daughter, and a brother or brother's son of Sassaquas, the malignant, furious Pequot, whereby probably their aims are to gather together, and reunite the scattered conquered Pequates into one body, and set them up again as a distinct nation, which hath always been witnessed against by the English, and may hazard the peace of the colonies."

The four years next succeeding are full of events, but as they happened chiefly among the Indians themselves, it is very difficult to learn the particulars. Ninigret claimed dominion of the Indians of a part of Long Island, as did his predecessors; but those Indians, seeing the English domineering over the Narragansets, became altogether independent of them, and even waged wars upon them.

Ascassasotick was at this period the chief of those Indians, a warlike and courageous chief, but as treacherous and barbarous as he was brave. These islanders had from the time of the Pequot troubles been protected

by the English, which much increased their insolence. Not only had Ninigret, and the rest of the Narragansets, suffered from his insults, but the Mohegans had also, as we shall more fully make appear hereafter.

When the English commissioners had met at Hartford in 1650, Uncas came with a complaint to them, "that the Mohansick sachem, in Long Island, had killed som of his men; bewitched diuers others and himself also,* and desired the commissioners that hee might be righted therin. But because the said sachem of Long Island was not there to answer for himself," several Englishmen were appointed to examine into it, and if they found him guilty to let him know that they " will bring trouble upon themselves."

At the same meeting an order was passed, "that 20 men well armed be sent out of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts to Pessicus, to demand the said wampum, [then in arrears,] which is 308 fathom;" but in case they could not get the wampum, they were ordered "to take the same, or the vallew therof, in the best and most suitable goods they can find." Or, if they could not find enough to satisfy all demands, they were ordered to seize and "bring away either Pessacus or his children, or such other considerable sachem or persons, as they prize, and may more probably bow them to reason."

From Pessacus, they were ordered to go to Ninigret, and inform him that the commissioners had heard "that he had given his daughter in marriage to Sasecos his brother, who gathers Pequots under him, as if either he would become their sachem, or again possess the Pequot country," which was contrary to "engagements," and what they would not allow, and he must inform them whether it were so. To inform him also that Wequash Cook "complains of sundry wrongs." And that, as to his hunting in the Pequot country, to inform him he had no right to do so, as that country belonged to the English. The termination of this expedition, in which Ninigret was taken "by the hair," has been previously mentioned in our extract from Dr. Mather.

We have in the life of Miantunnomoh given some account of the acts of a chief called Waiandance, especially relating to the disorganization of the plans of that great chief. We come, in this place, to a parallel act in relation to Ninigret. About a year after the death of Miantunnomoh, Ninigret undertook to organize a plan for expatriating the English; and sent a messenger to Waiandance, the Long Island sachem, to engage him in it. Instead of listening to his message, Waiandance seized upon Ninigret's messenger, bound him, and sent him to Capt. Gardener at Saybrook fort. From thence he was sent, under a guard of 10 men, for Hartford. But they were wind-bound in their passage, and were obliged to put in to Shelter Island, where an old sachem lived, who was Waiandance's elder brother. Here they let Ninigret's ambassador escape, and thus he had knowledge that his plan was overthrown.

Since we have here introduced the sachem Waiandance, we will add the account of his last acts and death. One William Hammond being killed" by a giant-like Indian" near New York, about 1637, Capt. Gardener told Waiandance that he must kill that Indian; but this being against the advice of the great sachem, his brother, he declined it, and told the captain that that Indian was a mighty great man, and no man dared meddle with him, and that he had many friends. Some time after, he killed another, one Thomas Farrington, and in the mean time, Waiandance's brother having died, he undertook his execution, which he accomplished. This was his last act in the service of the English; "for in the time of a great mortality among them, he died, but it was by poison; also two

* This was doubtless as true as were most of his charges against the Narragansets.

thirds of the Indians upon Long Island died, else the Narragansets had not made such havoc here as they have."

Ninigret passed the winter of 1652-3 among the Dutch of New-York. This caused the English great suspicion, especially as they were enemies to the Dutch at that time; and several sagamores who resided near the Dutch had reported that the Dutch governor was trying to hire them to cut off the English; consequently, there was a special meeting of the English commissioners at Boston, in April, 1653, occasioned by a rumor that the Narragansets had leagued with the Dutch to break up the English settlements. Whereupon a letter was sent by them to their agent at Narraganset, Thomas Stanton, containing "divers queries," by him to be interpreted "to Ninegrett, Pessicus and Meeksam, three of the chiefest Narraganset sachems," and their answers to be immediately obtained and reported to the commissioners.

The questions to be put to the sachems were in substance as follows:-1. Whether the Dutch had engaged them* to fight against the English.-2. Whether the Dutch governor did not endeavor such a conspiracy.-3. Whether they had not received arms and munitions of war from the Dutch.-4. What other Indians are engaged in the plot.-5. Whether, contrary to their engagement, they were resolved to fight against the English.-6. If they are so resolved, what they think the English will do.-7. Whether they had not better be true to the English.

8. Similar to the first.-9. What were their grounds of war against the English.-10. Whether they had not better come or send messengers to treat with the English.-11. Whether they had hired the Mohawks to help them.

"The answare of the sachems, viz. Nimigrett, Pessecus and Mixam, vnto the queries and letters sent by the messengers, Sarjeant Waite and Sarjeant John Barrell, the 18th of the second month, 1653."

Mexam seems to have been the first that answered; and of the first query he said :

“I speak unfeignedly, from my heart, and say, without dissimulation, that I know of no such plot against the English, my friends; implicating either the Dutch governor or any other person. Though I be poor, it is not goods, guns, powder nor shot, that shall draw me to such a plot as this against the English, my friends.t If the Dutch governor had made known any such intention to me, I would have told it, without delay, to the English, my friends. With respect to your second question, I answer, No. What do the English sachems, my friends, think of us?-do they think we should prefer goods, guns, powder and shot, before our lives? our means of living? both of us and ours? As to the 4th query, I speak from my heart, and say, I know of no such plot by the Dutch governor. There may come false news and reports against us; let them say what they will, they are false. It is unnecessary to say more. But in answer to the 10th query I will say, It is just messengers should be sent to treat with the English sachems, but as for myself, I am old, and cannot travel two days together, but a man shall be sent to speak with the sachems. I have sent to Mr. Smith, and Voll‡ his man, to speak to Mr. Brown,

* The third person singular, he, is used throughout, in the original, as it was supposed by the propounders that each chief would be questioned separately.

Every one must be forcibly reminded of the answer given by one of our revolutionary worthies, Joseph Reed, Esq., to a British agent, on reading this answer of the chief Mexam, though not under circumstances exactly similar. Mr. Reed was promised a fortune if he would exert himself on the side of the king. Viewing it in the light of a bribe, he replied: "I am not worth purchasing, but, such as I am, the king of Great Britain is not rich enough to do it." Dr. Gordon's America, iii. 172. ed. London, 4 vols. 8 vo. 1788.

Vallentine Whitman, an interpreter, elsewhere named.

and to say to him, that I love the English sachems, and all Englishmen in The Bay: And desire Mr. Brown to tell the sachems of the Bay, that the child that is now born, or that is to be born in time to come, shall see no war made by us against the English."

Pessacus spoke to this purpose :-

"I am very thankful to these two men that came from the Massachusetts, and to you Thomas, and to you Poll,* and to you Mr. Smith, you that are come so far as from the Bay to bring us this message, and to inform us of these things we knew not of before. As for the governor of the Dutch, we are loath to invent any falsehood of him, though we be far from him, to please the English, or any others that bring these reports. For what I speak with my mouth I speak from my heart. The Dutch governor did never propound any such thing unto us. Do you think we are mad? and that we have forgotten our writing that we had in the Bay, which doth bind us to the English, our friends, in a way of friendship? Shall we throw away that writing and ourselves too? Have we not reason in us? How can the Dutch shelter us, being so remote, against the power of the English, our friends-we living close by the doors of the English, our friends? We do profess, we abhor such things."

Lastly, we come to the chief actor in this affair, Ninigret. He takes up each query in order, and answers it, which, for brevity's sake, we will give in a little more condensed form, omitting nothing, however, that can in any degree add to our acquaintance with the great chief. He thus com

mences:

"I utterly deny that there has been any agreement made between the Dutch governor and myself, to fight against the English. I did never hear the Dutchmen say they would go and fight against the English; neither did I hear the Indians say they would join with them. But, while I was there at the Indian wigwams, there came some Indians that told me there was a ship come in from Holland, which did report the English and Dutch were fighting together in their own country, and there were several other skips coming with ammunition to fight against the English here, and that there would be a great blow given to the English when they came. But this I had from the Indians, and how true it is I cannot tell. I know not of any wrong the English have done me, therefore wHY should I fight against them? Why do the English sachems ask me the same questions over and over again? Do they think we are mad-and would, for a few guns and swords, sell our lives, and the lives of our wives and children? As to their tenth question, it being indifferently spoken, whether I may go or send, though I know nothing myself, wherein 1 have wronged the English, to prevent MY going; yet, as I said before, it being left to my choice, that is, it being indifferent to the commissioners, whether I will send some one to speak with them, I will send."†

To the letters which the English messengers carried to the sachems, Mexam and Pessacus said, "We desire there may be no mistake, but that we may be understood, and that there may be a true understanding on both sides. We desire to know where you had this news, that there was such a league made betwixt the Dutch and us, and also to know our accusers."

Ninigret, though of the most importance in this affair, is last mentioned in the records, and his answer to the letter brought him by the commissioners is as follows:

*So printed in Hazard, but probably means the same as Voll; V, in the latter case, having been taken for P. We have known such instances.

The preceding sentence of our text, the author of Tales of the Indians thinks, "would puzzle the most mystifying politician of modern times." Indeed! What! a Philadelphia lawyer? Really, we cannot conceive that it ought in the least to puzzle even a Boston lawyer. If a puzzle exist any where, we apprehend it is in some mystifying word.