"You are kindly welcome to us, and I kindly thank the sachems of Massachusetts that they should think of me as one of the sachems worthy to be nquired of concerning this matter. Had any of the other sachems been at the Dutch, I should have feared their folly might have done some hurt, one way or other, but THEY have not been there. I am the man. I have been there myself. I alone am answerable for what I have done. And, as I have already declared, I do utterly deny and protest that I know of no such plot as has been apprehended. What is the story of these great rumors that I hear at Pocatocke-that I should be cut off, and that the English had a quarrel against me? I know of no such cause at all for my part. Is it because 1 went thither to take physic for my health? or what is the cause? I found no such entertainment from the Dutch governor, when I was there, as to give me any encouragement to stir me up to such a league against the English, my friends. It was winter time, and I stood, a great part of a winter day, knocking at the governor's door, and he would neither open it, nor suffer others to open it, to let me in. I was not wont to find such carriage from the English, my friends." Not long after the return of the English messengers, who brought the above relation of their mission, Awashaw arrived at Boston, as 66 messenger" of Ninigret, Pessacus and Meram, with "three or four" others. An inquisition was immediately held, over him, and, from his cross-examination, we gather the following answers: 66 Ninigret told me that he went to the Dutch to be cured of his disease, hearing there was a Frenchman there that could cure him; and Mr. John Winthrop knew of his going. He carried 30 fathom of wampum, gave the doctor 10, and the Dutch governor 15, who, in lieu thereof, gave him coats with sleeves, but not one gun, though the Indians there gave him two guns. That, while Ninigret was there, he crossed Hudson's River, and there an Indian told him about the arrival of the Dutch ships. As to the corn sent to the Dutch by Ninigret, it was only to pay his passage, the Dutch having brought him home in a vessel. Five men went with Ninigret. Four came, home with him in the vessel, and one came by land before. One of his company was a Mohegan, and one a Conecticott Indian, who lived on the other side of Hudson's River. A canoe was furnished with 60 fathom of wampum, after Ninigret's return from Monhatoes, to be sent there to pay for the two guns, but six fathom of it was to have been paid to the doctor, which was then due to him. There were in it, also, two raccoon coats, and two beaver skins, and seven Indians to go with it. They and the canoe were captured by Uncas." An Indian named "Newcom-Matures, sometimes of Rhode Island," was one that accompanied Awashaw. "One John Lightfoot, of Boston," said Matures told him, in Dutch, (he had lived among them at Southhold, and learned their language,) that the Dutchmen would "cut off" the English of Long Island. "Newcom also confesseth [to him] that Ninigret said that he heard that some ships were to come from Holland to the Monhattoes to cut off the English." "That an Indian told him that the Dutch would come against the English, and cut them off, but they would save the women and children and guns, for themselves. But Capt. Simkins and the said Lightfoot do both affirm that the said Newcom told them that the Dutchmen told him, as before [stated,] though he now puts it off, and saith an Indian told him so." Simkins affirmed also that Newcom told him that if he would go and serve the Dutch, they would give him a 100£ a year. On examining Newcom, the commissioners gave it as their opinion that i he was guilty of perfidy, and that they should not have let him escape {: without punishment, but for his being considered as an ambassador. They, therefore, desired Awashaw, to inform Ninigret of it, that he might send him to them again, "the better to clear himself." This we appre hend was not done. Awashaw next notified the court that he had not done with them, "whereupon he was sent for to speak what he had further to propound." He demanded how they came by their information "of all these things touching Ninigret." They said from several Indians, particularly "the Monheage Indian and the Narraganset Indian, which were both taken by Uncas his men, who had confessed the plot before Mr. Haines at Hartford." Awashaw also demanded restitution of the wampum taken by Uncas. The commissioners told him that they had not as yet understood of the truth of that action, but when they had thoroughly examined it, he should have an answer. So, all this legislating was about Ninigret's going to the Dutch; for as to a plot there appears no evidence of any; but when Uncas had committed a great depredation upon Ninigret, why-" that altered the case" -they must inquire into it, which doubtless was all right so far, but if a like complaint had been preferred against Ninigret by Uncas, we have reason to think it would have been forthwith "inquired into," at least, without an if. A story, it cannot be called evidence, told by Uncas, relating to Ninigret's visit to the Dutch, is recorded by the commissioners, and which, if it amount to any thing, goes to prove himself guilty, and is indeed an acknowledgment of his own perfidy in taking Ninigret's boat and goods as charged by Awashaw. It is as follows: "Uncas, the Mohegan sachem, came lately to Mr. Hains' house at Hartford, and informed him that Ninnigrett, sachem of the Niantick Narragansetts, went this winter to the Monhatoes" and made a league with the Dutch governor, and for a large present of wampum received 20 guns and a great box of powder and bullets. Ninigret told him of the great injuries he had sustained from Uncas and the English. That on the other side of Hudson's River, Ninigret had a conference with a great many Indian sagamores, and desired their aid to cut off the Mohegans and English. Also, that, about two years since, Ninigret “sent to the Monheage sachem, and gave him a present of wampum, pressing him to procure a man skilful in magic workings, and an artist in poisoning, and send unto him; and he should receive more one hundredth fathom of wampum, which was to have been conveyed to the Monheage sachem, and the powaugh at the return of him that was to bring the poison. Uncas having intelligence of these things, caused a narrow watch to be set, by sea and land, for the apprehending of those persons; and accordingly took them returning in a canoe to the number of seven: whereof four of them were Narragansets, two strangers and one Pequatt. This was done in his absence, while he was with Mr. Haines, at Conecticott, and carried by those of his men that took them to Mohegen. Being there examined, two of them, the [Wampeage*] sachem's brother, and one Narraganset freely confessed the whole plot formerly expressed, and that one of their company was that powaugh and prisoner, pointing out the man. Upon this, his men in a rage slew him, fearing, as he said, least he should make an escape, or otherwise do either mischief to Uncas or the English, in case they should carry him with the rest before them, to Conecticott to be further examined. And being brought to Conecticott before Mr. Haines, and examined, did assert these particulars." An Indian squaw also informed "an inhabitant of Wethersfield, that the Dutch and Indians generally were" confederating to cut off the English, and that election day, [1654,] was the time set, "because then it is apprehended the plantations will be left naked and unable to defend themselves, the strength of the English colonies being gathered from the * See declaration onward in the records, (Haz ii. 222.) several towns. And the aforesaid squaw advised the said inhabitants to acquaint the rest of the English with it; desiring they would remember how dear their slighting of her former information of the Pequots coming upon the English cost them.”* It would seem, from a careful examination of the records, that something had been suggested either by the Dutch or Indians, about "cutting off the English," which justice to Ninigret requires us to state, might have been the case without his knowledge or participation. For, the testimony of the messengers of "nine Indian sagamores who live about the Monhatoes" no how implicates him, and, therefore, cannot be taken into account, any more than what an Indian named Ronnessoke told Nicholas Tanner, as interpreted by another Indian called Addam; the latter, though relating to Ninigret's visit, was only a hearsay affair. Ronnessoke was a sagamore of Long Island. Addam also interpreted the story of another Indian, called Powanege, "who saith he came from the Indians who dwell over the river, over against the Monhatoes, where the plot is a working, that was this: that the Dutchmen asked the Indians whether they would leave them at the last cast, or stand up with them. And told the Indians they should fear nothing, and not be discouraged because the plot was discovered," &c. Addam the interpreter had also a story to tell. He said, "this spring [1653, O. S.] the Dutch governor went to Fort Aurania, [since Albany,] and first went to a place called Ackicksack, [Hackinsack,] a great place of Indians, from thence to Monnesick, [Minisink,] thence to Opingona, thence to Warranoke, thence to Fort Aurania: And so far he went in his own person. From thence he sent to Pocomtock, [Deerfield, on the Connecticut,] and he carried with him many note of sewan, that is, bags of wampam, and delivered them to the sagamores of the places, and they were to distribute them amongst their men; and withal he carried powder, shot, cloth, lead and guns; and told them he would get all the great Indians under him, and the English should have the scum of the Indians, and he would have those sagamores with their men to cut off the English, and to be at his command whenever he had use of them, and he was to find them powder and shot till he had need of them. Further, he sent one Govert, a Dutchman, to Marsey, on Long Island, to Nittanahom, the sagamore, to assist him and to do for him what he would have [him] do: But the sagamore told him he would have nothing to [do] with it: whereupon Govert gave the sagamore a great kettle to be silent. Nittanaham told him he had but 20 men, and the English had never done him wrong, [and] he had no cause to fight against them. Further, he saith that Ninnegrett, the fiscal, and the Dutch governor were up two days in a close room, with other sagamores; and there was no speaking with any of them except when they came for a coal of fire,‡ * Referring to an affair of 1637, which Dr. I. Mather relates as follows: "In the interim, [while Capt. Mason was protecting Saybrook fort,] many of the Pequods went to a place now called Wethersfield on Connecticut River, and having confederated with the Indians of that place, (as it was generally thought,) they laid in ambush for the English people of that place, and divers of them going to their labor in a large field adjoining to the town, were set upon by the Indians. Nine of the English were slain upon the place, and some horses, and two young women were taken captive." Relation of the Troubles, &c. 26.-Dr. Trumbull says this happened in April. Hist. Con. i. 77. The cause of this act of the Pequots, according to Winthrop, i. 260, was this. An Indian called Sequin had given the English lands at Wethersfield, that he might live by them and be protected from other Indians. But when he came there, and had set down his wigwam, the English drove him away by force. And hence it was supposed that he had plotted their destruction, as above related, with the Pequots. A Dutch officer, whose duty is similar to that of treasurer among the English. To light their pipes, doubtless-the Dutch agreeing well, in the particular of smoking, with the Indians. or the like. And much sewan was seen at that time in Ninnegret's hand, and he carried none away with him ;" and that Ronnesseoke told him that the governor bid him fly for his life, for the plot was now discovered. Nevertheless, as for any positive testimony that Ninigret was plotting against the English, there is none. That he was in a room to avoid company, while his physician was attending him, is very probable. In a long letter, dated 26th May, 1653, which the governor of New Amsterdam, Peter Stuyvesant, wrote to the English, is the following passage" It is in part true, as your worships conclude, that, about January, there came a strange Indian from the north, called Ninnigrett, commander of the Narragansets. But he came hither with a pass from Mr. John Winthrop. Upon which pass, as we remember, the occasion of his coming was expressed, namely, to be cured and healed; and if, upon the other side of the river, there hath been any assembly or meetings of the Indians, or of their sagamores, we know not [of it.] We heard that he hath been upon Long Island, about Nayacke, where he hath been for the most part of the winter, and hath had several Indians with him, but what he hath negotiated with them remains to us unknown: only this we know, that what your worships lay unto our charge are false reports, and feigned informations." The war with Ascassasôtic, of which we shall give all the particulars in our possession, was the next affair of any considerable moment in the life of Ninigret. In 1654, the government of Rhode Island communicated to Massachusetts, that the last summer Ninigret, without any cause, "that he doth so much as allege, fell upon the Long Island Indians, our friends and tributaries," and killed many of them, and took others prisoners, and would not restore them. "This summer he hath made two assaults upon them; in one whereof he killed a man and woman, that lived upon the land of the English, and within one of their townships; and another Indian, that kept the cows of the English." He had drawn many of the foreign Indians down from Connecticut and Hudson Rivers, who rendezvoused upon Winthrop's Island, where they killed some of his cattle.* war began in 1653, and continued "several years."+ This The commissioners of the United Colonies seemed blind to all complaints against Uncas; but the Narragansets were watched and harassed without ceasing. Wherever we meet with an unpublished document of those times, the fact is very apparent. The chief of the writers of the history of that period copy from the records of the United Colonies, which accounts for their making out a good case for the English and Mohegans. The spirit which actuated the grave commissioners is easily discovered, and I need only refer my readers to the case of Miantunnomoh. Desperate errors require others, oftentimes still more desperate, until the first appear small compared with the magnitude of the last! It is all along discoverable, that those venerable records are made up from one kind of evidence, and that when a Narraganset appeared in his own defence, so many of his enemies stood ready to give him the lie, that his indignant spirit could not stoop to contradict or parley with them; and thus his assumed guilt passed on for history. The long-silenced and borne-down friend of the Indians of Moosehausic, no longer sleeps. Amidst his toils and perils, he found time to raise his pen in their defence; and though his letters for a season slept with him, they are now awaking at the voice of day. When the English had resolved, in 1654, to send a force against the Narragansets, because they had had difficulties and wars with Ascassasô* Manuscript documents. + Wood's Hist. Long Island. + Providence. tic, as we have related, Mr. Williams expressed his views of the matter in a letter to the governor of Massachusetts as follows:-"The cause and root of all the present mischiefs is the pride of two barbarians, Ascassasôtick, the Long Island sachem, and Nenekunat of the Narigenset. The former is proud and foolish, the latter is proud and fierce. I have not seen him these many years, yet, from their sober men, I hear he pleads, 1st. that Ascassasótick, a very inferior sachem, (bearing himself upon the English,) hath slain three or four of his people, and since that sent him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself. 2d. He, Nenekunat consulted by solemn messengers, with the chief of the English governors, Maj. Endicot, then governor of the Massachusetts, who sent him an implicit consent to right himself: upon which they all plead that the English have just occasion of displeasure. 3d. After he had taken revenge upon the Long Islanders, and brought away about 14 captives, (divers of them chief women,) yet he restored them all again, upon the mediation and desire of the English. 4th. After this peace [was] made, the Long Islanders pretending to visit Nenekunat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narragansets near 30 persons, at midnight; two of them of great note, especially Wepiteammock's son, to whom Nenekunat was uncle. 5th. In the prosecution of this war, although he had drawn down the inlanders to his assistance, yet, upon protestation of the English against his proceedings, he retreated and dissolved his army."* The great Indian apostle looked not so much into these particulars, being entirely engaged in the cause of the praying Indians; but yet we occasionally meet with him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence against the proceeding of Uncas, and his friends the commissioners: "The case of the Nipmuk Indians, so far as by the best and most credible intelligence, I have understood, presented to the honored general court, [of Massachusetts,] 1. Uncas his men, at unawares, set upon an unarmed poor people, and slew eight persons, and carried captive twentyfour women and children. 2. Some of these were subjects to Massachusetts government, by being the subjects of Josias.† 3. They sued for relief to the worshipful governor and magistrates. 4. They were pleased to send, (by some Indians,) a commission to Capt. Denison, [of Stonington,] to demand these captives. 5. Uncas his answer was, (as I heard,) insolent. 6. They did not only abuse the women by filthiness, but have, since this demand, sold away (as I hear) some or all of those captives. 7. The poor bereaved Indians wait to see what you please to do. 8. You were pleased to tell them, you would present it to the free court, and they should expect their answer from them, which they now wait for. 9. Nenecroft, yea, all the Indians of the country, wait to see the issue of this matter."+" This memorial is dated 12th May, 1659, and signed by John Eliot ; from which it is evident there had been great delay in relieving those distressed by the haughty Uncas. And yet, whether he was caused to make remuneration in any way, we do not find. In 1660, "the general court of Connecticut did, by their letters directed to the commissioners of the other colonies, this last summer, represent an intolerable affront done by the Narraganset Indians, and the same was now complained of by the English living at a new plantation at Mohegan, viz: that some Indians did, in the dead time of the night, shoot eight bullets into an English house, and fired the same; wherein five Englishmen were asleep. Of which insolency the Narraganset sachems have so far taken notice, as to send a slight excuse by Maj. Atherton, that * From the original letter, in manuscript, among the files in our state-house. |