underminer of praying to God."* Nevertheless, the charitable Mr. Hubbard, when he wrote his Narrative, seems to have had some hopes that he was a Christian, with about the same grounds, nay better, perhaps, than those on which Bishop Warburton declared Pope to be such. Uncas lived to a great age. He was a sachem before the Pequot wars, and was alive in 1680. At this time, Mr. Hubbard makes this remark upon him: "He is alive and well, and may probably live to see all his enemies buried before him."t From an epitaph on one of his sons, copied in the Historical Collections, we do not infer, as the writer there seems to have done, "that the race of Uncas" was "obnoxious in collonial history;" but rather attribute it to some waggish Englishman, who had no other design than that of making sport for himself and others. It is upon his tomb-stone, and is as follows: Here lies the body of Sunseeto Own son to Uncas grandson to Oneko Who were the famous sachems of MOHEGAN But now they are all dead I think it is werheegen."§ The connections of Uncas were somewhat numerous, and the names of several of them will be found as we proceed with his life, and elsewhere. Oneko his son was the most noted of them. Uncas was originally a Pequot, and one of the 26 war captains of that famous but ill-fated nation. Upon some intestine commotions, he revolted against his sachem, and set up for himself. This took place about the time that nation became known to the English, perhaps in 1634 or 5. By the revolt of Uncas, the Pequot territories became divided, and that part called Moheag, or Mohegan, fell generally under his dominion, and extended from near the Connecticut River on the south to a space of disputed country on the north, next the Narragansets. By a recurrence to our account of the dominions of the Pequots and Narragansets, a pretty clear idea may be had of all three. This sachem seems early to have courted the favor of the English, which it is reasonable to suppose was occasioned by the fear he was in from his potent and warlike neighbors, both on the north and on the south. In May, 1637, he was prevailed upon to join the English in their war upon the Pequots. Knowing the relation in which he stood to them, the English at first were nearly as afraid of Uncas and his men, as they were of the Pequots. But when, on the 15 of the same month, they had arrived at Saybrook fort, a circumstance happened that tended much to remove their suspicions, and is related by Dr. Mather as follows: "Some of Uncas his men being then at Saybrook, in order to assisting the English against the Pequots, espied seven Indians, and slily encompassing them, slew five of them, and took one prisoner, and brought him to the English fort, which was great satisfaction and encouragement to the English; who, before that exploit, had many fears touching the fidelity of the Moheag Indians. He whom they took prisoner was a perfidious villain, one that could speak English well, having in times past lived in the fort, * 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 208. New London, is the place "where Ibid. Moheek, since Montville, Ct., about 10 miles north of Hist. New. Eng. 464.-" Although he be a friend to the English, yet he and all his men continue pagans still," 1676. Dr. I. Mather, Brief Hist. 45. The writer or sculptor no doubt meant the contrary of this, if indeed he may be said to have meant any thing. A genuine Indian word, and, as it is used here, means, bid me stir my instep, to see if that were frozen: I did so. simply, well. "Then they When they saw that, they said that was wurregen." Stockwell's Nar. of his Captivity among the Indians in 1677. and knowing all the English there, had been at the slaughtering of all the English that were slaughtered thereabouts. He was a continual spy about the fort, informing Sassacus of what he could learn. When, this bloody traitor was executed, his limbs were by violence pulled from one another, and burned to ashes. Some of the Indian executioners barbarously taking his flesh, they gave it to one another, and did eat it, withal singing about the fire."* Notwithstanding, both Uncas and Miantunnomoh were accused of harboring fugitive Pequots, after the Mystic fight, as our accounts will abundantly prove. It is true they had agreed not to harbor them, but perhaps the philanthropist will not judge them harder for erring on the score of mercy, than their English friends for their strictly religious perseverance in revenge. A traditionary story of Uncas pursuing, overtaking, and executing a Pequot sachem, as given in the Historical Collections, may not be unqualifiedly true. It was after Mystic fight, and is as follows: Most of the English forces pursued the fugitives by water, westward, while some followed by land with Uncas and his Indians. At a point of land in Guilford, they came upon a great Pequot sachem, and a few of his men. Knowing they were pursued, they had gone into an adjacent peninsula, "hoping their pursuers would have passed by them. But Uncas knew Indian's craft, and ordered some of his men to search that point. The Pequots perceiving that they were pursued, swam over the mouth of the harbor, which is narrow. But they were waylaid, and taken as they anded. The sachem was sentenced to be shot to death. Uncas shot him with an arrow, cut off his head, and stuck it up in the crotch of a large oak tree near the harbor, where the skull remained for a great many years." This was the origin of SACHEM'S HEAD, by which name the harbor of Guilford is well known to coasters. Dr. Mather records the expedition of the English, but makes no mention of Uncas. He says, they set out from Saybrook fort, and "sailed westward in pursuit of the Pequots, who were fled that way. Sailing along to the westward of Mononowuttuck, the wind not answering their desires, they cast anchor." "Some scattering Pequots were then taken and slain, as also the Pequot sachem, before expressed,‡ had his head cut off, whence that place did bear the name of SACHEM'S HEAD."S Uncas's fear of the Pequots was doubtless the cause of his hostility to them; and when he saw them vanquished, he probably began to relent his unprovoked severity towards his countrymen, many of whom were his near relations; and this may account for his endeavors to screen some of them from their more vindictive enemies. The next spring after the war, "Unkus, alias Okoco, the Monahegan sachem in the twist of Pequod River, came to Boston with 37 men. He came from Connecticut with Mr. Haynes, and tendered the governor a present of 20 fathom of wampum. This was at court, and it was thought fit by the council to refuse it, till he had given satisfaction about the Pequots he kept, &c. Upon this he was much dejected, and made account we would have killed him; but, two days after, having received good satisfaction of his innocency, &c. and he promising to submit to the order of the English, touching the Pequots he had, and the differences between the Naragansetts and him, we accepted his present. And about half an hour after, he came to the governor," and made the following speech. Laying his hand upon his breast, he said, "This heart is not mine, but yours. I have no men: they are all yours. * Relation of the Troubles, &c. 46. + Hist. Guilford, in 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. 100. § Relation, 49. His name is not mentioned. Command me any difficult thing, I will do it. I will not believe any Indians' words against the English. If any man shall kill an Englishman, I will put him to death, were he never so dear to me." "So the governor gave him a fair red coat, and defrayed his and his men's diet, and gave them corn to relieve them homeward, and a letter of protection to all men, &c. and he departed very joyful.”* For the gratification of the curious, we give, from Dr. Edwards's "Observations on the Muhkekaneew [Mohegan] Language," the Lord's prayer in that dialect. "Nogh-nuh, ne spummuck oi-e-on, taugh_mau-weh wneh wtu-ko-se-auk ne-an-ne an-nu-woi-e-on. Taugh ne aun-chu-wut-am-mun wa-weh-tu-seek ma-weh noh pum-meh. Ne ae-noi-hit-teeh mau-weh awau-neek noh hkey oie-cheek, ne aun-chu-wut-am-mun, ne au-noi-hit-teet neek spum-muk oie-cheek. Men-e-nau-nuh noo-nooh wuh-ham-auk tquogh nuh uh-huy-u-tam-auk ngum-mau-weh. Ohq-u-ut-a-mou-we-nau-nuh auneh mu-ma-choi-e-au-keh he anneh ohq-u-ut-a-mou-woi-e-auk num-peh neek mu-ma-cheh an-neh-o-quau-keet. Cheen hqu-uk-quau-cheh-si-u-keh an-neh-e-henau-nuh. Pan-nee-weh htou-we-nau-nuh neen maum-teh-keh. Ke-ah ng-weh-cheh kwi-ou-wau-weh mau-weh noh pum-meh; kt-an-woi; es-tah aw-aun w-tin-noi-yu-wun ne au-noi-e-yon; han-wee-weh ne kt-innoi-een." Uncas was said to have been engaged in all the wars against his countrymen, on the part of the English, during his life-time. He shielded some of the infant settlements of Connecticut in times of troubles, especially Norwich. To the inhabitants of this town the Mohegans seemed more particularly attached, probably from the circumstance of some of its settlers having relieved them when besieged by Ninigret, as will be found related in the ensuing history. The remnant of the Mohegans, in 1768, was settled in the north-east corner of New London, about five miles south of Norwich; at which place they had a reservation. The Mohegans had a burying-place called the Royal burying-ground, and this was set apart for the family of Uncas. It is close by the falls of the stream called Yantic River, in Norwich city; "a beautiful and romantic spot." The ground containing the grave of Uncas is at present owned by C. Goddard, Esq. of Norwich. This gentleman has, very laudably, caused an enclosure to be set about it.‡ When the commissioners of the United Colonies had met in 1643, complaint was made to them by Uncas, that Miantunnomoh had employed a Pequot to kill him, and that this Pequot was one of his own subjects. He shot Uncas with an arrow, and, not doubting but that he had accomplished his purpose, "fled to the Nanohiggansets, or their confederates," and proclaimed that he had killed him. "But when it was known Vncas was not dead, though wounded, the traitor was taught to say that Uncus had cut through his own arm with a flint, and hired the Pequot to say he had shot and killed him. Myantinomo being sent for by the governor of the Massachusetts upon another occasion, brought the Pequot with him: but when this disguise would not serve, and that the English out of his [the Pequot's] own mouth found him guilty, and would have sent him to Uncus his sagamore to be proceeded against, Myantinomo desired he might not be taken out of his hands, promising [that] he would send [him] himself to Vncus to be examined and punished; but, contrary to his promise, and fearing, as it appears, his own treachery might be discouered, he within a day or two cut off the Peacott's head, that he might tell no tales. After this some attempts were made to poison Vncus, and, as is reported, to take away his life by sorcery. That being discovered, some *Winthrop, Jour. i. 265-6. 3 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 135. + MS. communication of Rev. Mr. Ely. of Sequasson's company, an Indian sagamore allied to, and an intimate confederate with Myantinomo, shot at Uncus as he was going down Conectacatt River with a arrow or two. Vncus, according to the foresaid agreement," which was, in case of difficulty between them, that the English should be applied to as umpires, complained to them. They endeavored to bring about a peace between Uncas and Sequasson; but Sequasson would hear to no overtures of the kind, and intimated that he should be borne out in his resolution by Miantunnomoh. The result was the war of which we have given an account in the life of Miantunnomoh. We have also spoken there of the agency of the English in the affair of Miantunnomoh's death; but that no light may be withheld which can in any way reflect upon that important as well as melancholy event, we will give all that the commissioners have recorded in their records concerning it. But firstly, we should notice, that, after Miantunnomoh was taken prisoner, the Indians affirmed, (the adherents of Uncas doubtless,) that Miantunnomoh had engaged the Mohawks to join him in his wars, and that they were then encamped only a day's journey from the frontiers, waiting for him to attain his liberty. The record then proceeds: "These things being duly weighed and considered, the commissioners apparently see that Vncus cannot be safe while Myantenomo lives; but that, either by secret treachery or open force, his life will be still in danger. Wherefore they think he may justly put such a false and bloodthirsty enemy to death; but in his own jurisdiction, not in the English plantations. And advising that, in the manner of his death, all mercy and moderation be showed, contrary to the practice of the Indians who exercise tortures and cruelty. And Vncus having hitherto shown himself a friend to the English, and in this craving their advice; [therefore,] if the Nanohiggansitts Indians or others shall unjustly assault Vncus for this execution, upon notice and request the English promise to assist and protect him, as far as they may, against such violence." We presume not to commentate upon this affair, but we would ask whether it does not appear as probable, that Uncas had concerted the plan with his Pequot subject for the destruction of Miantunnomoh, as that the latter had plotted for the destruction of the former. Else, why did Miantunnomoh put the Pequot to death? The commissioners do not say that the Pequot had by his confession any how implicated Miantunnomoh. Now, if this Pequot had been employed by him, it does not seem at all likely that he would have put him to death, especially as he had not accused him. And, on the other hand, if he had acknowledged himself guilty of attempting the life of his own sachem, that it might be charged upon others, it is to us a plain reason why Miantunnomoh should put him to death, being fully satisfied of his guilt upon his own confession. It may be concluded, therefore, that the plot against Uncas was of his own or his Pequot subject's planning. The Pequot's going over to Miantunnomoh for protection is no evidence of that chief's participation in his plot. And it is highly probable that, after they had left the English court, his crime was aggravated, in Miantunnomoh's view, by some new confession or discovery, which caused him to be forthwith executed. As though well assured that the justness of their interference would be called in question, the commissioners shortly after added another clause to their records, as much in exoneration of their conduct as they could find words in which to express themselves. They argue that, "whereas Uncas was advised [by them] to take away the life of Miantunnomoh whose lawful captive he was, they [the Narragansets] may well understand that this is without violation of any covenant between them and us; for Uncas being in confederation with us, and one that hath diligently observed his covenants before mentioned, for aught we know, and requir ing advice from us, upon serious consideration of the premises, viz. his treacherous and murderous disposition against Uncas, &c. and how great a disturber he hath been of the common peace of the whole country, we could not in respect of the justice of the case, safety of the country, and faithfulness of our friend, do otherwise than approve of the lawfulness of his death; which agreeing so well with the Indians' own manners, and concurring with the practice of other nations with whom we are acquainted; we persuaded ourselves, however his death may be grievous at present, yet the peaceable fruits of it will yield not only matter of safety to the Indians, but profit to all that inhabit this continent." It is believed that the reader is now put in possession of every thing that the English could say for themselves, upon the execution of Miantunnomoh. He will therefore be able to decide, whether, as we have stated, their judgment was made up of one kind of evidence; and whether the Narragansets had any lawyers to advocate their cause before the commissioners. After Miantunnomoh was executed, the Narragansets demanded satis faction of Uncas for the money they had raised and paid for the redemption of their chief. This demand was through the English commissioners; who, when they were met, in Sept. 1644, deputed Thomas Stanton to notify both parties to appear before them, that they might decide upon, the case according to the evidence which should be produced. It appears that Kienemo,* the Niantick sachem, immediately deputed Weetowisse, a sachem, Pawpiamet and Pummumshe, captains, from the Narragansets, with two of their men, to maintain their action before the commissioners, and to complain of some insolences of Uncas besides.t On a full hearing, the commissioners say, that nothing was substantiated by them. "Though," they say, "several discourses had passed from Uncas and his men, that for such quantities of wampum and such parcels of other goods to a great value, there might have been some probability of sparing his life." Hence it appears that Uncas had actually entered upon a negotiation with the Narragansets, as in the life of Miantunnomoh has been stated; and it does not, it is thought, require but a slight acquaintance with the general drift of these affairs, to discern, that Uncas had encouraged the Narragansets to send wampum, that is, their money, giving them to understand that he would not be hard with them; in so far, that they had trusted to his generosity, and sent him a considerable amount. The very face of it shows clearly, that it was a trick of Uneas to leave the amount indefinitely stated, which gave him the chance, (that a knave will always seize upon,) to act according to the caprice of his own mind on any pretence afterwards. The commissioners say that "no such parcels were brought," though, in a few lines after, in their records, we read: “And for that wampums and goods sent, [to Uncas,] as they were but small parcels, and scarce considerable for such a purpose," namely the redemption of their chief: and still, they add; "But Uncas denieth, and the Narraganset deputies did not alledge, much less prove that any ransom was agreed, nor so much as any treaty begun to redeem their imprisoned sachem." Therefore it appears quite clear that Uncas had all the English in his favor, who, to preserve his friendship, caressed and called him their friend; while, on the other hand, the agents from the Narragansets were frowned upon, * The same afterwards called Ninigret. Janemo was doubtless the pronunciation, J being at that time pronounced ji; therefore Jianemo might have been sometimes understood Kianemo. The author of Tales of the Indians seems dismally confused in attempting to narrate these affairs, but see Hazard, ii. 25 and 26. |