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parliament in queen Mary's days, after their reconciliation with the fee of Rome, held themselves to poffefs the fame power or controul over the church lands, as did the parliament in the time of king Henry her father; for although they might have been induced by many political reafons to confirm the poffeffions of the church lands to the then lay proprietors, yet the fame reasons for peace and quiet could not apply to the crown, as to private individuals; and by that very act were all fuch lands and revenues confirmed to the queen, which had not been divefted out of the crown during the two preceding reigns. Whence we must neceffarily conclude, that although parliament be never justifiable in mifapplying any part of the national fund; yet do they command the fame power and controul over the revenues of the church, as over any other part of that fund; and are equally bound by their duty and trust to model and regulate it, as they shall think the prefervation and welfare of the community require.

The ftatutes for the clergy and of provifors of benefices (25 Ed. III) and of premunire for fuing in a foreign realm, or impeaching of judg ment given, (27 Ed. III.) are founded in the power of parliament, over the temporalities of the church.

СНАР.

CHAP. V.

OF SOME MODERN DOCTRINES CONCERNING
THE RESISTANCE OF INDIVIDUALS AGAINST

THE CIVIL ESTABLISHMENT OF RELIGION.

No

O man of the flightest obfervation or
reflection can at this day be ignorant

The malcomtented with

tents difcon

the prefent

of the confidence, with which the malcontents establiment. of the hour inveigh against the ecclefiaftical and civil establishment of our prefent conftitutional polity; infifting upon the abfolute fubverfion of the one, and a general reformation and alteration of the other. But it is an obvious question, Who are thefe malcontents? They are not only compofed of the remains of fome of the old fets of diffenters from the established church, fuch as anabaptifts, puritans, independants, &c. but more generally of the various fets of modern fubdiffenting improvers upon their ancient masters, whom Dr. Price feems, with unbounded affection and zeal, to have admitted as his worthy affociates and fellow labourers in the good common cause of diffent from the principles, and refiftance against the establishment of the national church. Of thefe Mr. Burke fpeaks,

Dr. Price's encouragement to diffent.

with his ufual elegant and nervous poignancy, *«If the noble feekers fhould find nothing to fatisfy their pious fancies, in the old staple of the national church, or in all the rich variety to be found in the well-afforted wares houses of the diffenting congregations, Dr. Price advises them to improve upon nonconformity, and to fet up, each of them, a separate meeting-house, upon his own particular principles t. It is fomewhat remarkable, that this reverend divine fhould be fo earnest for setting up new churches, and fo perfectly indifferent concerning the doctrines which may be taught in them. His zeal is of a curious character. It is not for the propagation of his own opinions, but of any opinions. It is not for the diffusion of truth, but for the fpreading of contradiction. Let the noble teachers but diffent, it is no matter from whom or from what. This great point once fecured, it is taken for granted their re

Reflections on the Revolution in France, p. 14, and 15.

"Those who dislike that mode of worship, which is prescribed by public authority, ought, if they can find no worship out of the church, which they approve, to fet up a feparate worship for themselves; and by doing this, and giving an example of a rational and manly worship, men of weight, from their rank and literature, may do the greateft fervice to fociety, and the world." P. 18, Dr. Price's Sermon.

ligion will be rational and manly. I doubt whether religion would reap all the benefits which the calculating divine computes, from this

great company of great preachers. It would certainly be a valuable addition of non-defcripts to the ample collection of known classes, genera, and species, which at present beautify the bortus ficcus of diffent."

Whenever, in the course of this work, I fhall have occafion to mention any fets of perfons known by a common defcription or appellation of religious focieties, or fectaries diffenting from the established church, I do not mean even to hint at the religious or theological tenets, doctrines, or principles, by which they differ from it or from each other.

Polemical difcuffion is not my province. And I have no other motive nor reafon to refer to or animadvert upon the tenets, doctrines, or principles of any fuch focieties or fectaries, but inasmuch as they contradict or counteract thofe general and fundamental principles of civil government, upon which the fyftem of our prefent conftitution and government is formed and preserved. The inhabitants of. this island certainly form one entire community, to whom it is fully competent to model and establish that conftitution and fyftem of government, which they fhall chufe; and

from

The author's

intention is to

difcuts the po

ciples only of diflenters

litical prin

The right of the

Community to

check and punith refractory

members.

Dr. Priestley's doctrine's about

mined.

from this competency arifes the indefeasible right, which the community poffeffes, of checking and punishing fuch refractory and feditious members of her body, who, by their open and avowed principles and actions, endeavour to weaken, disturb, or fubvert that political œconomy of the ftate, which is the deliberate and free choice of the community. It will therefore be more proper in future to treat and speak of these persons, rather as political opponents of the principles of the ftate, than religious diffenters from the doctrines of the church of England.

By examining the doctrines of Dr. Priestley, refiftance exa- upon this very important fubject, the application of the principles, which I have already laid down, as admitted by all, will more clearly appear. * "In examining the right of the civil magiftrate to establish any mode of religion, or that of the fubject to oppose it, the goodness of the religion, or of the mode of it, is not to be taken into the question; but only the propriety (which is the fame with the utility) of the civil magiftrate, as fuch, interfering in the business. For what the magiftrate may think to be very juft, and even conducive

• Dr. Priestley's Eflay on the first Principles of Government, p. 141..

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