quently have conceived a better, and might have set up a right more plausible in those days, in quality of Christ's vice-gerents upon earth, to dispose of rights holden by this fpiritual jure divino tenure, than of such as were merely of a secular or temporal nature. For the popes have always been allowed, by all Roman catholics, a power to dispense, in certain cases, with spiritual obligations, such as vows or promises made by individuals immediately to Almighty God; but never to dispense with, or annul a civil or moral obligation of one individual to another, so as to weaken or defeat the rights of a third person. The learned prelate, however, very fairly accounts for the former prevalence of the opposite doctrine throughout this nation. *“ The protestant The maintedivines went into the other extreme ; and to principles attrisave the person of their sovereign, preached dable motive. up the doctrine of divine right. Hooker, superior to every prejudice, followed the truth; but the rest of the reforming and reformed divines ftuck to the other opinion, which, as appears from the homilies, the Institution of a Christian Man, and the general stream of writings in those days, became the opinion of the church, and was, indeed, the received pro • Dr. Hurd's Moral and Political Dialogues, vol. ii. nance of false buted to a lau P. 301. testant doctrine: and thus unhappily arose in the church of England, that pernicious system of divine indefeasible right of kings, broached indeed by the clergy, but not from those corrupt and temporizing views, to which it has been imputed. The authority of thofe venerable men, from whom it was derived, gave it a firm and lasting hold on the minds of the clergy; and being thought to receive a countenance from the general terms, in which obedience to the civil magistrate is ordained in scripture, it has continued to our days, and may, it is feared, still continue to perplex and mislead the judgment of too many amongst us.” I am particularly happy in being able to adduce the high and unbiassed authority of so respectable a prelate, in support of my own reasoning Not being warped by any party prejudice or principle, I am free to own my astonishment, that so many learned and respectable personages of every profession and description should so long have shut their eyes, or stopped their ears, or steeled their hearts against the truth of first principles. This respectable prelate has endeavoured to account for it; though he is very far from justifying it. “The opposed bca the enemy ** The growth of puritanism, and the republican spirit, in order to justify its attack on the legal constitutional rights of the crown, adopted the very fame principles with the jesuited party. And, under these circum- True principles stances, it is not to be thought strange, that a caute urged by principle, however true, which was disgraced by coming through such hands, should be generally condemned and execrated. The crown and mitre had reason to look upon both these forts of men as their mortal enemies. What wonder then, that they should unite in reprobating the political tenets, on which their common enmity was justified and supported?” Dr. Priestley has said, with much truth, what I hope he will allow me to apply to my readers. “ I make no apology for the Proper apology freedom, with which I have written. The freely upon in teresting subsubject is, in the highest degree, interesting jects. to humanity; it is open to philosophical difcussion, and I have taken no greater liberties, than becomes a philofopher, a man, and an Englishman. Having no other views, than promote a thorough knowledge of this im to • Dr. Hurd's Moral and Political Dialogues, vol. ii. P. 303 † Preface to Dr. Pricfley's Effays on the First Principles of Government, p. xiji. K 4 portant 1 ! portant subject; not being sensible of any and of mankind. They, who know I am sensible, that I have undertaken a very perilous task; periculofæ plenum opus aleæ. From the open and boasted wishes, and the actual attempts of many individuals to alter or subvert the present form of our government, I have found it incumbent upon me to examine and regulate my subordinate civil duties upon some fixt principles of immutable policy. I entered upon the task with much earnestness, and perfectly unbiassed by any party; in my progress I have seen and trembled at many rocks, against which whole parties have appeared to me blindly and voluntarily to have run; by varying my course, I flatter myself I have avoided them; and if my discoveries be just, I know of no consideration, Neceflity of forming our principles of policy. particular constitucion and government, which consideration, that can dispense with my sub- Whatever divisions of parties have existed ties. the |