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the nation has received from their ancestors, retains the majority in one body; whereas, the dinike of the whole, or part of the same constitution and government; the preference

of any other, than the established religion and Principles and government; the aversion from any church motives of the pakontoris.

or state establishment whatever; the wishes and expectancies of the indigent and diftressed to profit by a system of equalization ; the allurements of a scramble to lust, avarice, and ambition; the personal envy, jealousy, hatred, insult, injury, disappointment, or losses of individuals, are amongst the multifarious motives, reasons, and inducements, which bring together a set of discordant individuals, who, from the moment, and by the terms of their engagement, sacrifice their several heterogeneous principles to the common erected standard of discontent; for in the political, as well as in the physical system, the moft opposite ingredients may, like vinegar and oil, be so incorporated as to bear the appearance of a perfect coalition. When, therefore, I shall in future consider or speak of this opposite party, which I fall in general call the minority, I shall drop every idea of the nature of their original component parts, and distinguish them only from their opponents by that common quality, which consti




engrafted the fallest doctrines. Instead of

tutes them a party of malcontents, in oppo-
sition to the majority of the community, who
are happy, under, and therefore wish and
intend to preserve the present form of their
constitution and government..

Whoever views with perfect impartiality
the present internal political state of this
country, will, I am confident, readily admit,
that it would be a fruitless attempt to single
out one individual from the whole minority,
who sides with that party, merely from the
motives, which distinguished one of the old
parties of this country from the other, at the
time of their original formation.

I may, perhaps, be fingular, (this publica-
tion will prove how far I am warrantable) in
attributing the formation, the continuance and
the encrease of all such parties, as have at
different times divided our country, to the
inconsiderate and hasty, though, perhaps,
well meant denial of true principles. It is no Greatest evils
less singular than true, that the churchman, inconfiderate

the royalist, and the tory, admitting and wish- principles. i

ing to preserve the true constitutional form

government in being, were so blinded in their zeal, as to deny the truth of first principles, upon which the puritan, the independant, and the republican, unwarrantably

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shewing, that these doctrines were not consequences deducible from the principles, (for every consequence is virtually contained in its premises), they denied absolutely the principles, which were true, because they disapproved of doctrines, which were false, and which, consequently, could not be fairly drawn from true principles. Thus, when the alterations and differences of the opposite parties came to be publicly agitated, they feldon went further, than the truth or falsity of the principles themselves; in which contests the strength of the argument was, necessarily with those, who contended for the principles; and whilst that party had the address to keep up the controversy upon this ground only, they were sure of making profelytes of all those, who had resolution or ability to form a judgment of their own.

The misfortunes, which have heretofore happened to our unhappy country, from the contests of these opposite parties, are of too serious a nature not to rouze every true patriot to the exertion of his utmost efforts to prevent a repetition of them. Nothing can be more certain, than that a party of no inconsiderable number of malcontents does at this moment exist in this country; nothing more evident, than that the party will gain


dictates of interested power and influence. It was long ago faid, decipimur fpecie reiti :

or lose strength in proportion to the accession or defertion of its numbers; and nothing so attractive, as the plausibility and truth of the principles, which are supposed or represented to actuate and support the party. It is flattering to all men to judge in their own cause; it is the favourite maxim of modern politicians, to inculcate the right of every one to judge and act for himself; and it is artfully holden out by many, that whoever is not directed by his own opinion and judgment, is kept in darkness, and deprived of that freedom, which has been given to every individual by an allwise Creator.

When I call to my recollection the effects of former attempts to deduce false doctrines from true principle, I am necessitated to conclude, that if some true principles now established and supported by the minority, are denied by the majority, the daily desertions from the one to the other will very quickly invert the present proportion of their respective numbers; for undeniable truth Truth will in will ever make its own way, and by degrees its own way. gain over the multitude ; amongst whom more will be, in the end, left to the unbiassed freedom of their own judgment, than to the


the end make

when depravity disposes to evil, the strongest incentive to the actual commission of it is a plausible appearance of its rectitude. Much as I reprobate the modern doctrine of civil equalization, with all its tremendous train of destructive concomitants, so do I hold, that the denial of the truth of uncontrovertible principles must rather necessitate, than provoke men into the adoption of any doctrine, which leaves them the liberty of a free asient to fuch self-evident propositions.

I am happy in being fanctioned in my principle of reasoning, by the great apostle of modern liberty. *« The jesuits,” says he, « about two centuries ago, in order to vindicate their king-killing t principles, hap


Priestley's Erays upon the First Principles of Government, p. 27, 28.

+ The works of Busenbaum, a German jesuit, were burnt by the late parliament of Paris, for teaching these principles. It will be candid, and, perhaps, satisfactory to the curious, to flate the words, in which this king-killing doctrine is expreffed by this author; as the judgment upon it will vary according to the admillibility of the doctrines of passive obedience and nonresistance. « Ad defenfionem vite integritatis membrorum, licet etiam filio, religion & jubdito se tueri, fi opus fit, cum occifione, contra ipfum parentem, abbatem, principem; nifi forte propter mortem hujus ficuiura eljent nimis magna in. commodi, ut bella, c.” lib. 3. pars i. de Homicidio, art. viu. “ To defend one's life, or limbs, it is lawful for a

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