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ridiculous to imagine one can be tied ultimately to obey any power in the fociety, which is not the fupreme."

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*

Inattention to preme power rebellion.

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Inattention to what, in fact, conftitutes the fupreme power in the fociety, has been the fatal caufe of all rebellions, that have ever been raised against lawful governments. The of the rights of the people is the hackneyed warhoop, by which both ancient and modern traitors have excited and fomented difturbances in all states. «A term (the people) which they are far from accurately defining, but by which, from many circumftances, 'tis plain enough they mean their own faction, if they should grow by early arming, by treachery or violence, into the prevailing force." The rights of the people are the most sacred rights, that can be claimed, and ought to be the most religiously preferved; but they are alfo liable to the most serious and alarming abuses, corruptio optimi peffima. Our own history fatally fuperabounds with tragical abufes of these most precious rights; and the fre quent abufes of them have forced from one of the greatest ornaments of the age, an opinion, perhaps more loyal in its tendency, than

Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, p. 56, 57.

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alteran old than

to form a new government.

*Thefe doctrines concerning the people tend, in my opinion, to the utter fubverfion, not only of all government, in all modes, and to all stable securities to rational freedom, but to all the rules and principles of morality itself." The first of these doctrines, upon which this opinion is hazarded, rests on this pofition: †"That the fovereignty, whether exercised by one or many, did not only originate from the people, but that in the people the fame fovereignty conftantly and unalienably refides." Though this doctrine has been sometimes abufed, to the groffeft purposes, yet it certainly forms the firft, and confequently the true, principle of political and civil government, which the high authorities I have adduced, and the reafoning I have formed upon them, have, I truft, fatisfactorily established.

In matters of fuch immenfe importance, I do not hold myself warrantable in paffing lightly from one fubject to another, without fubmitting to my readers what my judgment fuggefts to me as conclufive upon the whole, It requires, in fact, a greater degree of power, or fovereignty, to change, alter, and new

Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, p. 57. + Ibidem, p. 56,

model

model an old government, than to fettle and establish a new one; for in the change and alteration of every old government, it becomes neceffary to exchange, curtail, or annihilate many privileges, advantages, and rights, which had been poffeffed, enjoyed, and exercifed by individuals, as well as to imagine, conftitute, and dispose of new privileges, advantages, and rights, which alone is the cafe in the formation of every new political establishment. When, therefore, it is faid, that fociety and government are of nature, it is meant, that God has fo formed and conftituted men, that they cannot phyfically exift without fociety, nor fociety continue to fubfift without government; and, therefore, neceffarily, fociety and government must be of equal duration with human nature itself. And when it is afferted, that particular forms of government are by the right of nations, fingulæ fpesies regiminis funt de jure gentium, it is not meant nor fuppofed, that we are annexing to focieties a mere theoretical quality, which can never be reduced to action, nor even that we are giving to focieties a power, which, by its actual execution, like the charge of a mufquet, goes off in an explosion, and evaporates into a nonentity; but we are attributing to a community or voluntary collection of free

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Examples of the community's changing the govern meat.

agents, that fundamental principle and effential quality, without which they must neceffarily lofe the attributes of focialness and freedom, and to whom the continuance of the right to exercise the power is as neceffary to preferve them focial and free, as was the first inveftiture of the power to make them fo. *« Cujus eft inftituere, ejus eft abrogare. We fay in general, he that inftitutes may also abrogate, most especially when the inftitution is not only by, but for himfelf. If the multitude, therefore, do institute, the multitude may abrogate; and they themselves, or those, who fucceed in the fame right, can only be fit judges of the performance of the ends of the inftitution."

t "And this might be proved also by infinite other examples, both of times past and present, and in all nations and countries, both Chriftian and otherwife, which have not had only different fashions of governments the one from the other, but even among themfelves, at one time, one form of government, and another at other times.

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England also was firft a monarchy under Britons; and then a province under the Ro

* Algernoon Sydney's Difcourfes concerning Government, p. 15.

+ Dolman's Conference touching Succeffion, p. 8, 9. mans;

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mans; and after that divided into seven kingdoms at once, under the Saxons; and now a monarchy again under the English; and all this by God's permiffion and approbation, who in token thereof fuffered his own peculiar people alfo of Ifrael to be under divers manners of governments in divers times; as firft, under patriarchs, Abraham, Ifaac, and Jacob; then under captains, as Mofes, Jofhua, and the like; then under judges, as Othoniel, Aiod, and Gideon; then under high priests, as Hely and Samuel; then under kings, as Saul, David, and the rest; and then under captains and high priests again, as Zorobabel, Judas Machabæus, and his brethren, until the government was lastly taken from them, and they brought under the power of the Romans, and foreign kings appointed by them. So as of all this there can be no doubt, but that the commonwealth hath power to chufe their own fashion of government, as alfo to change the fame upon reafonable causes, as we fee they have done in all times and countries; and God no doubt approveth what the realm determineth in this point; for otherwise nothing could be certain, for that of thefe changes doth depend all that hath fucceeded fithence. In like manner is it evident, that as the commonwealth hath this au

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