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The rights of each community are rela. uve.
liberty in the individuals of the community, who are subject to such power or authority. For far be it from me to deny to any man the full, free, and uncontrouled power of thinking and acting for himself, in every thing, which affects not the rights of the community; for such rights only does the community poffefs, as the individual no longer retains; the transfer of them from the one, has vested them in the other; they cannot fublift in both. Thus the rights of each community are relative only, and bind such, as by living under her protection, and remaining members of her society, continue subject to the power, which they have so delegated to her; and which, whilft the community sublists, they can neither totally nor partially recall. The liberty or right of locomotion never was transferred from the individual; and therefore the state cannot, without some special reason, prevent the emigration of her members. Every man is at liberty to withdraw himself from any particular society; but he is not free to disturb, overturn, or destroy the government of that fociety, of which he is a member. For the subjection of each individual of the community to the fovereignty or political power of the whole, is that effential quality, which distinguishes the
trustees of the
state of civil society from the state of pure nature and primeval equality, which must ever necessarily produce anarchy and confufion; for the prevention of which, and for attaining the happiness of the people, the community institutes a government, and entrusts their sovereign power with governors.
If any thing can give force, vigour, and Magistrates are energy to the power of magistrates over the community. members of a community, it is, because the community itself has vested it in trust in some of its own body. Therefore, * " there is undoubtedly a particular deferen c and homage due to civil magistrates, on account of their stations and offices; nor can that man be either truly wise or truly virtuous; who despises governments, and wantonly speaks evil of bis rulers, or who does not, by all the means in his power, endeavour to strengthen their hands, and to give weight to their exertions in the discharge of their duty. Fear God, says St. Peter. Love the brotherbood. Honour all men. Honour the king.
Honour the king. You must needs, fays St. Paul, be subject to rulers, not only for wrath (that is, from the fear of suffering the penalties annexed to the breach of the laws), but for conscience fake. For rulers
* Dr. Price's Discourse on the 4th Nov. 1789, p. 27.
are ministers of God, and revengers for executing This delegated wrath on all that do evil.” In a word, withpower adequate to all the pur
out troubling my readers with any more auposes of the moft efficient thorities for establishing these clear positions, government,
that the power, both of the supreme and subordinate magistrates, is delegated to them by the people, is holden by them in trust for the people, and can only be exercised by them, according to the nature, conditions, and extent of the trust, I shall conclude this subject by shewing, from two of the strongest assertors of civil liberty, that upon these principles the power of the supreme magistrate is fo constituted in a kingdorn, that it becomes fully adequate to all the purposes of the most efficient monarchy. *« In the 8th Book, p. 444, he gives it as his judgment, that all kings, but such as are immediately named by God himself, have their power by human right only; though after human composition and agreement, their lawful choice is approved of God, and obedience required to tem, by divine right,” What more than this can be required by the stauncheft devotee to kingly power? The right of the sovereign to cemmand, is one and the same thing, as the nöligation of the subject to obey; beyond the
E adley's Defence of Mr. Hooker's Judgment.
establishment of these two points, I do not
* « From the foregoing reasoning then to rise up athe conclusion is evident; that if any one or
gainst the legirany number of individuals, set up his or their greatest of all wills in opposition to the will of the legislator, he or they are guilty of the greatest of all crimes they can possibly commit; because it is a crime, which dissolves, at once, the whole cement of society, and snaps asunder by violence all the bonds of government, which tend to secure the whole peace and tranquillity; for opposition to the will of the legisator tends to drive them back to that miserable state of nature, from which they gladly fied to government, as to a refuge and an asylum.”
The right order of reasoning would here
• Cooper's first Principles of Civil and Ecclefiaftical Government, p.78.
direct me to investigate and discuss the variety and nature of different political establishments, by which communities have carried into execution their inherent rights of modelling their own forms of government. But my intention is not to lay before the public a full and elaborate essay upon government, but to submit to the consideration and judgment of my countrymen, such principles, grounds, and reasons, as will evince the political necefsity of submitting to, and supporting our present constitutional establishment, and of counteracting the wishes, efforts, and attempts of our secret and open enemies to discredit, weaken, and subvert it.
I have before faid, and I again repeat, that our constitution is founded upon the Rights of Man. I have attempted to trace their nature and origin, as well as our right to exercise them ; it remains for me to consider, how we are affected by the actual execution or exercise of these rights in our own community, which brings me to the consideration of the conftitution and government of Greaç Britain.