The rights of each community are relaLive.

liberty in the individuals of the community, who are fubject to fuch power or authority. For far be it from me to deny to any man the full, free, and uncontrouled power of thinking and acting for himself, in every thing, which affects not the rights of the community; for fuch rights only does the community poffefs, as the individual no longer retains; the transfer of them from the one, has vested them in the other; they cannot fubfift in both. Thus the rights of each community are relative only, and bind fuch, as by living under her protection, and remaining members of her fociety, continue fubject to the power, which they have fo delegated to her; and which, whilft the community fubfifts, they can neither totally nor partially recall. The liberty or right of locomotion never was transferred from the individual; and therefore the state cannot, without fome special reafon, prevent the emigration of her members. Every man is at liberty to withdraw himself from any particular fociety; but he is not free to disturb, overturn, or destroy the government of that fociety, of which he is a member. For the fubjection of each individual of the community to the fovereignty or political power of the whole, is that effential quality, which diftinguishes the

ftate

ftate of civil fociety from the ftate of pure
nature and primeval equality, which muft
ever neceffarily produce anarchy and confu-
fion; for the prevention of which, and for
attaining the happiness of the people, the
community inftitutes a government, and en-
trusts their sovereign power with governors.

If any thing can give force, vigour, and
energy to the power of magiftrates over the
members of a community, it is, because the
community itself has vefted it in truft in fome
of its own body. Therefore, *"there is un-
doubtedly a particular deferen c and homage
due to civil magiftrates, on account of their
ftations and offices; nor can that man be
either truly wife or truly virtuous, who de-
fpifes governments, and wantonly speaks evil
of his rulers, or who does not, by all the
means in his power, endeavour to ftrengthen
their hands, and to give weight to their ex-
ertions in the difcharge of their duty. Fear
God, fays St. Peter. Love the brotherhood.
Honour all men. Honour the king. You must
needs, fays St. Paul, be fubject to rulers, not
only for wrath (that is, from the tear of fuf-
fering the penalties annexed to the breach of
the laws), but for confcience fake. For rulers

Dr. Price's Difcourfe on the 4th Nov. 1789, p. 27.

Magiftrates are community.

trustees of the

This delegated power adequate

to all the purpofes of the moft efficient government,

are minifters of God, and revengers for executing wrath on all that do evil." In a word, without troubling my readers with any more authorities for establishing these clear pofitions, that the power, both of the fupreme and subordinate magistrates, is delegated to them by the people, is holden by them in truft for the people, and can only be exercised by them, according to the nature, conditions, and extent of the truft, I fhall conclude this fubject by fhewing, from two of the strongest affertors of civil liberty, that upon these principles the power of the fupreme magistrate is so constituted in a kingdorn, that it becomes fully adequate to all the purposes of the most efficient monarchy." In the 8th Book, P. 444, he gives it as his judgment, that all kings, but fuch as are immediately named by God himself, have their power by human right only; though after human compofition and agreement, their lawful choice is approved of God, and obedience required to them, by divine right," What more than this can be required by the ftaunchest devotee to kingly power? The right of the fovereign to command, is one and the fame thing, as the obligation of the fubject to obey; beyond the

Hadley's Defence of Mr. Hooker's Judgment.

establish

eftablishment of thefe two points, I do not conceive how, in a political fociety, the subftance of fovereignty can be extended; for I will not suppose even one of my readers to entertain a serious idea of a pure regal or arbitrary government on the one hand, or of an absolutely equalized anarchy on the other, There is always much delicacy, and often much danger, in arguing upon the extremes of any propofition.

* "From the foregoing reafoning then To rife up athe conclufion is evident; that if any one or

gainst the legiflature, the

civil crimes.

any number of individuals, fet up his or their greatest of all wills in oppofition to the will of the legiflator, he or they are guilty of the greatest of all crimes they can poffibly commit; because it is a crime, which diffolves, at once, the whole cement of fociety, and fnaps afunder by violence all the bonds of government, which tend to fecure the whole peace and tranquillity; for oppofition to the will of the legiflator tends to drive them back to that miferable state of nature, from which they gladly fled to government, as to a refuge and an afylum."

The right order of reafoning would here

*Cooper's first Principles of Civil and Ecclefiaftical Government, p. 78.

direct me to investigate and difcufs the variety and nature of different political establishments, by which communities have carried into execution their inherent rights of modelling their own forms of government. But my intention is not to lay before the public a full and elaborate effay upon government, but to fubmit to the confideration and judgment of my countrymen, fuch principles, grounds, and reasons, as will evince the political neceffity of fubmitting to, and fupporting our prefent constitutional establishment, and of counteracting the wifhes, efforts, and attempts of our fecret and open enemies to difcredit, weaken, and fubvert it.

I have before faid, and I again repeat, that our conftitution is founded upon the Rights of Man. I have attempted to trace their nature and origin, as well as our right to exercise them; it remains for me to confider, how we are affected by the actual execution or exercise of these rights in our own community, which brings me to the confideration of the conftitution and government of Great Britain.

CHAP.