is, the exploding all oaths of perfonality. The oath of allegiance in America is to the nation only. The putting any individual as a figure for a nation is improper. The happiness of a nation is the fuperior object, and therefore the intention of an oath of allegiance ought not to be obferved by being figuratively taken to, or in the name of any perfon. The oath, called the civic oath, in France, viz. the "Nation, the Law, and the King," is improper. If taken at all, it ought to be, as in America, to the nation only. The law may or may not be good; but in this place, it can have no other meaning than as conducive to the happiness of the nation, and therefore is included in it. The remainder of the oath is improper, on the ground, that all perfonal oaths ought to be abolished. They are the remains of tyranny on one part, and flavery on the other; and the name of the CREATOR ought not to be introduced to witness the degradation of his creation; or if taken, as is already mentioned, as figurative of the nation, it is in this place redundant. But whatever apology may be made for oaths at the firft establishment of government, they ought not to be permitted afterwards. If a government requires the fupport of oaths, it is a fign that it is not worth supporting, and ought not to be supported. Make government what it ought to be, and it will fupport itself.

To conclude this part of the fubject-one of

the

the greatest improvements that has been made for the perpetual fecurity and progrefs of conftitutional liberty is, the provifion which the new Conftitutions make for, occafionally, revifing, altering, and amending them.

The principle of "binding and controuling pofterity to the end of time, and of renouncing and abdicating the rights of all pofterity for ever", is now become too deteftable to be made a subject of debate; and therefore I pafs it over with no other notice than expofing it.

Government is but now beginning to be known. Hitherto it has been the mere exercife of power, which forbad all effectual enquiry into rights, and grounded itself wholly on poffeffion. While the enemy of liberty was it's judge, the progress of its principles muft have been finall indeed.

The Conftitutions of America, and alfo that of France, have either affixed a period for their revifion, or laid down the mode by which improvements fhall be made. It is, perhaps, impoffible to establish any thing that combines principles with opinions and practice, which the progrefs of circumftances, through a length of years, will not, in fome measure, derange, or render inconfiftent ; and therefore, to prevent inconveniences accumulating till they difcourage reformations, or provoke revolutions, it is beft to provide the means of regulating them as they occur. The Rights of

Man

Man are the rights of all generations of men, and cannot be monopolized by any. That which is worth following, will be followed for the fake of its worth; and it is in this that its fecurity lies, and not in any conditions with which it may be incumbered. When a man leaves his property to his heirs, he does not connect with it an obligation that they fhall accept it. Why then should we do otherwise with respect to Constitutions?

The beft Conftitution that could now be devised, confiftent with the condition of the present moment, may be far fhort of that excellence which a few years may afford. There is a morning of reafon rifing upon man on the subject of Government, that has not appeared before. As the barbarism of the prefent old governments expires, the moral condition of nations, with refpect to each other, will be changed.. Man will not be brought up with the fayage idea of confidering his fpecies as his enemy, because the accident of birth gave the individuals existence in countries diftinguished by different names; and, as Conftitutions have always fome relation to external as well as domeftic circumftances, the means of benefiting by every change, foreign or domeftic, fhould be a part of every Conftitution.

We already fee an alteration in the national difpofition of England and France towards each other; which, when we look back to only a few years,

years, is itself a Revolution. Who could have foreseen, or who could have believed, that a French National Affembly would ever have been a popular toast in England; or that a friendly alliance of the two nations fhould become the wish of either? It fhews, that, man, were he not cor. rupted by governments, is naturally the friend of man, and that human nature is not of itself vicious. That fpirit of jealousy and ferocity, which the governments of the two countries infpired, and which they rendered fubfervient to the purpose of taxation, is now yielding to the dictates of reason, interest, and humanity. The trade of courts is beginning to be understood, and the affectation of myftery, with all the artificial forcery by which they impofed upon mankind, is on the decline. It has received its death-wound-and, though it may linger, it will expire.

Government ought to be as much open to improvement as any thing which appertains to man; inftead of which it has been monopolized from age to age, by the most ignorant and vicious of the human race. Need we any other proof of their wretched management than the excefs of debts and taxes, with which every nation groans, and the quarrels into which they have precipitated the world?

Juft emerging from fuch a barbarous condition, it is too foon to determine to what extent of im

provement

provement government may yet be carried. For what we can foresee, all Europe may form but one great Republic, and man be free of the whole.

MISCELLANIES.

IN contemplating a fubject that embraces, with

equatorial magnitude, the whole region of humanity, it is impoffible to confine the purfuit in one fingle direction. It takes ground on every character and condition that appertains to man, and blends the individual.

From a small fpark, kindled in America, a flame has arisen not to be extinguished. Without confuming like the ultima ratio regum, it winds its progrefs from nation to nation, and conquers by filent operation. Man finds himself changed he scarcely perceives how. He acquires a knowledge of his rights by attending juftly to his interest and discovers in the event, that the ftrength and powers of defpotifm confift wholly in the fear of refifting it, and that in order " to be free, it is fuf"ficient that he wills it."

Having, in all the preceeding parts of this work, endeavoured to establish a system of principles as a bafis on which governments ought to be erected, I fhall proceed in this to the ways and means of

rendering