'horsewhip with the most perfect security; | others, persons differing widely in political a poor man would have his bones broken opinions, in proof of the progress that "if he offered to lift his hand in his own Ireland has made, since the Union, in ' defence. Knocking down is spoken of in almost every species of improvement'the country in a manner that makes Englishmen stare. It must strike the most careless traveller to see whole strings ' of cars whipt into a ditch by a gentle'man's footman, to make way for his 'carriage: if they are overturned or broken ' in pieces, no matter, it is taken in tience; were they to complain, they 'would perhaps be horsewhipped.'" pa The quality of agricultural produce has improved, and the quantity has increased: the description of stock in husbandry has improved since the increased intercourse with England,-the Hereford, Ayrshire, and Leicester breeds being brought over. Among the better class of farmers very number of slated houses is increasing very great improvement has taken place, and the considerably; the repeal of the Union duties has produced a great cheapness of calico, and dress of that kind; and, in country villages, there is a much greater number of bakers than a few years ago. The peasantry acquire information and good habits by their intercourse with England, the fruits of which are becoming more and more manifested in Ireland.-Musgrave, Waterford. The habits of the peasantry, their clothing, and their houses, are all improving. In every quarter, in every corner of Ireland, there are perceivable evidences of growing, and rapidly growing, prosperity.-Livingstone, Sligo. The clothing, furniture, and comforts of the fisherman have improved decidedly. The progress of improvement in Ireland, moral and practical, has been, during the last ten years, exceedingly rapid. Wherever the coast guard establishment has been fixed, the most obvious improvement has taken place in the neighbourhood; the example which those men have shown being productive of most beneficial consequences.-Barry, Cork. I do not mean to say, that this statement may not be somewhat exaggerated, but it cannot be doubted in point of fact, that the severity and oppression exercised by the rich towards the poor, by the high towards the low, was much greater before the Union than it has been or could be since. I well remember, that my noble friend, the present Chancellor of Ireland, when opposing a motion of mine in this House, informed me that there was a class of persons now grown up in Ireland on whom I would rely as a protection for the poor against any exaction or oppression of the rich; he alluded to them, not under the more vulgar designation of attorneys, but under a title more poetical; he called them "village Hampdens." I am inclined to think, in any case of supposed oppression, that their interposition would not be wanting; and if a case could be made out, the member for Cork would be, I am sure, an impressive advocate, and would succeed in obtaining a verdict. These are matters of the deepest consequence to the well-being and existence of society. It must be satisfactory to the House to know, and it must be still more satisfactory to the Irish peasant to feel, that whilst under the former system of society, the horsewhip of the rich might have been used on the back of the poor, and that with impunity, that now under a better system of society, improved as well by the example of, as by our intercourse with, England, there is not a cottager who does not know his rights, and, knowing The Irish reapers no longer come in the those rights, is not ready to maintain them. tattered clothes they formerly appeared in ; Where was the Irish peasant who, in the they are ashamed of their rags, and are time of Arthur Young, would have re-apparently a different class of persons.-Wilsorted to the law against the rich and liams. Where is the peasant who powerful? now would not do so if he had occasion to seek the law's protection? I may refer to the evidence given before the Committee of 1830, by Messrs. Blake, Musgrave, Mullins, Wiggins, Mahony, and There is rather a tendency to increase the rate of wages than otherwise. The labourers can now purchase as much provisions for 6s. as they could formerly for 12s. Clothing is had for one-half the price; cottons, calicoes, less than one-half cheaper; linen is to be and checks, those kind of fabrics which the poorer class of females wear, are now to be had for one-fourth.-Mullins, Dublin. The state of the peasantry has improved very rapidly of late years; the country has greatly altered for the better; the peasantry are better clothed, and in every way seem to be more comfortable, and their houses are improving; agriculture has improved-the mode of ploughing, the description of carts, and other farming implements.-Mahoney. Ireland is becoming, from day to day, more prosperous; capital is spreading throughout Ireland; and, in proportion as it spreads, so will the general state of all classes be improved.-Blake. The consumption of wheaten bread has considerably augmented.—Greer. A very great improvement has taken place | passing under probates of wills, and letters in all respects during the last twenty-two of administration, in Ireland, I find, that, years, in the habits of cleanliness, and order taking the years 1819, 1820, and 1821, and and regularity, in their clothing, and sense of comparing them with 1831 and 1832, the propriety in all respects; I conceive in their moral character and conduct altogether, the amount of property has increased from improvement has been very striking; I think 2,814,000l., to 3,612,000l.-The following is the account :the improvement of Ireland has been more rapid than any improvement I ever saw in England in any large track of country.-Wiggins. The foundations of her prosperity are laid, and time will complete the structure.-Roe. This evidence proves, that not only in manufactures, but in agriculture, and in commerce; in short, in everything which can constitute the prosperity of a State, the greatest progress is made; which progress, if we are indulged with repose, will continue. I would beg to refer hon. Members to a very curious document, marked No. 17, in the papers now before the House. About the year 1825, a power was given by Parliament, of transferring stock from one part of the empire to the other. Under this Statute, persons were allowed the privilege of transferring their stock from England to Ireland, which gave them the advantage of receiving their dividends in Dublin. What has been the result? It is exhibited in the following account:An Account of Stock transferred to and from England and Ireland up to 5th Jan., 1834. Capital created in Ireland by Į Annual Interest Years. 1819 1820 1822 1825 1826 1827 1828 Amount of Property. £ 3,023,654 2,634,864 Average. £ } 2,814,816 3,593,257 } 3,623,206 3,772,897 44,833,359 } Is this a proof of increased poverty, or does of the national wealth of Ireland? We it not, on the contrary, exhibit an increase cannot, therefore, be so utterly ruined as the hon. Gentlemen, who support Repeal, would fain induce us to suppose. There have been political circumstances connected with agitation, by which the savings of the poorer classes have been endangered, in consequence of alarms created by the agita tors. Excitement has prevailed, which not CAPITAL. arising thereon, and only shook commercial credit, but produced a run on the savings' banks; and in support of this statement, I would refer to those Gentlemen who are acquainted with the towns of Kilkenny, Clonmel, and Waterford. But notwithstanding this cruel mischief, I am happy to state, that during the last year, the sums paid into the savings' banks of Ireland amounted to 349,000, while the sums drawn out amounted only to 252,000l. This result is drawn from the following account: I will not trouble the House by entering Catholic chapels since the Union, the amount of money which has been invested in them, and the splendid buildings which are rising daily in that metropolis, and in the principal towns. I rejoice to be able to make this observation. I think it proves the increase, not only of the wealth, but of the religious feelings of my countrymen. At the period of the Union, there was but one respectable Roman Catholic Chapel in Dublin; that of Clarendon-street. I be In consequence of the Repeal of the Assessed-taxes in Ireland, it is difficult for me to show the condition of the upper classes in Ireland, by any reference to the number of horses, carriages, and servants. The duty on wrought plate, which is an article of luxury, and only used by persons of a superior class, may probably show something of the condition of the higher orders. I have taken an average of thirteen years: and taking 1800, 1801, and 1802; as compared with 1815, 1816, and 1817,-lieve there are now eight or nine, and the latter, being the period when the duty the erection of one cost upwards of 40,000l. fell to the lowest in Ireland, - there is Roman Catholic Chapels built in Dublin shown an increase in the duty of sixty-five since the Union. per cent. Taking the years 1827, 1828, and 1829, being the period when the duty was the greatest, and comparing it with 1800, 1801, and 1802, there is shown an increase of ninety-seven per cent and when I take the last three years, comparing them with the first period, there appears the still greater increase of 116 per cent. The following is the account in detail:Produce of the Duty on Wrought Plate. Great Anne-street Gardiners-street Grange Gorman I may venture to suggest, also, that the large subscriptions which are raised for political purposes throughout Ireland afford some proof that the people are not quite so distressed as they are said to be. We' know, that of late years, yery large subIreland. Britain. scriptions have been collected among the people of Ireland for political purposes, and that these subscriptions, whether called rent or tribute, are made a matter of boast. I shall not carry these observations further than to express my opinion, that these subscriptions cannot be adduced as evidence of the poverty of the country. Average of the three years, 1800, 1801, and 1802 1,772 £ 47,607 2,926 75,400 65 58 the period within which the produce of the duty was greatest in Ireland Increase compared with 1800, 1801, and 5,264 86,916 1802 There is another matter to which I feel myself bound to advert-I mean the increase of the internal traffic of Ireland, as carried on by the means of her canals. This most important point will be best shown by the following Returns relating to the Grand Canal, the Royal Canal, and the Barrow Navigation : Tonnage of Commodities carried on the Grand Canal, Royal Canal, and the Barrow. Grand Canal.-Average of 1821, 1822, and 1823 Here I have shown a large increase in the consumption of an article of pure luxury, and what is whimsical, the increased per-centage received in Ireland is much greater than the increased per-centage in England at corresponding periods. Now, if we adopted the doctrine of ratios, relied on by the learned Member, this would Royal prove that the prosperity of Ireland is more rapid than that of Great Britain. But I have already exposed the fallacy. I can, however, refer to this Return, as some reply to the assertion, that the gentry of Ireland have been ruined by the Union. There is another fact to which I may here allude, although it might more properly have been introduced in reference to that part of my argument which related to Dublin, I mean the increase of Roman Average of 1831, 1832, and 1833 Increase per cent The Barrow.-Average of 1821, 1822, and 1823 Tonnage Increase per cent Tons. 140,236 227,169 So much for the internal trade of the country, and combined as it is, with the state of the general trade, it must, to any fair mind, set at rest all doubts with respect to the progress of Irish prosperity. Further, if we look to the modes of travelling, the increased intercourse by public carriages, the introduction of day-cars by that most useful man, Mr. Bianconi; the improvement of late years has exceeded all calculation. I know not what apology to offer for having trespassed at such unprecedented length upon your patience; and when I think of the kindness and indulgence with which the House has favoured me, I never can be sufficiently grateful. At the same time, I am sensible that this favour is not extended to myself as an individual; I could not ask it at your hands, for I am well aware, how little I deserve it; but I know that it has been given in consideration of the great-I may say, the awfulinterest bound up in the question which we are now called upon to decide. This is no ordinary debate, this is no common contest,- -a mighty stake is now risked,the greatest of political duties is to be performed,- -no questions of temporary interest, and no personal considerations, can be permitted to interfere. Gentlemen ought to be swayed but by one motive-a sense of the duty they are called on to perform. Their decision should be given with judicial weight and integrity. They should remember, that for this decision, they are now, and will be hereafter, responsible: not mistaking the import of Parliamentary responsibility, nor thinking lightly of the obligations which a Member of this House owes to his constituents. I would yet call on hon. Gentlemen who are disposed to ⚫ favour the Motion for Repeal to remember that there are moments when it may be their duty to forget that they have constituents, in the recollection that they have a country. By the great names of patriots now no more-by those titles greater than any monarch can bestow, which have descended to some amongst us,-by the spirits of the mighty dead, who have done honour to Irish history,-who supported Irish rights, who resisted tyranny and usurpation-I adjure the hon. Gentlemen opposite to look to still higher and greater interests, than those to which they may be disposed to yield; to look to the performance of those more important duties which will claim and deserve higher rewards than those of popular applause and a seat in Parliament. In these respects, even the Unreformed Parliament of England, may afford the man instructive example. We were there given great examples of what the conduct of Members of this House ought to be; theirs was an example which should never be forgotten. Where would the Catholics of Ireland have now been, if there had not been found British Members of Parliament who had courage enough to advocate their claims, at the risk, nay, with the certainty, of displeasing their constituents, and of losing their seats? What honourable sacrifices did they not make? Were there not cases in which all political considerations were forgotten-in which the claims of party, and the hopes of ambition, were lost sight of? Greater still were some of the sacrifices which were then made. Were there not very many cases in which the ties and affections of private life were torn asunder?-cases, in which the son quitted his parent, in order to give his vote in fa vour of Emancipation? These great acts ought not to be forgotten. They are instructive, in discussing the Question of the Union, because the people of Ireland ought not to forget what has been the conduct towards them of the Imperial Legislature. This ought not to be forgotten in the way of example. It teaches us what ought to be the conduct of each and every one among us to pursue. It reads us a lesson, by which I trust we shall profit, in the performance of this our most sacred duty. I am sure there is no hope of political distinction-no selfish objects which we can attain or desire-which we ought not to be will ing, ready, happy, nay, eager, to sacrifice, for the sake of what we owe to Ireland and to the empire. On this subject of Irish Repeal, there can be no compromise; neither shall there be any compromise in the address which it is my duty to propose. Before I sit down, I must be allowed to read to the House, words of one of the best and wisest of men-I allude to the high authority of that great, because that good man, who left a dying bequest as a divine legacy to his country-Henry Grattan. It is the advice, which he, on his death-bed, gave his fellow-countrymen-advice, which I now implore them to follow. What was the nature of his solemn exhortation? Did he advise a continuance of agitation? Did he advise a Repeal of the Union? Did he justify the course which has of late been taken? Did he sanction those feats of political activity which have been exhibited on so many stages in later times? No, Sir. On the contrary, he says, "I most strongly recommend that the two countries may never separate, and that Ireland should never seek for any connexion except with Great Britain." Mr. Feargus O'Connor and other Hon. Members: Hear! hear! Mr. Spring Rice: Am I to be told by that cheer, that the connexion of the two countries is to be maintained? Mr. Feargus O'Connor and other Hon. Members: Hear! hear! We are told truly in the last words of Grattan, that "the people of his country should not look to a democratic government; they are not fit for it." I do not wish to speak in disparagement of my own countrymen; but from what you see the violence of Irish parties to be, will you surrender Ireland to the tender mercies— must I use the word?-of a domestic Legislature? Would you surrender the people of that country to the tender mercies of contending factions? Do you not know, that there would be inevitably such a conflict and collision of opinion as must produce a sanguinary civil war-a war of extermination? Do hon. Gentlemen who support Repeal think that, because they possess a certain physical force in certain districts of Ireland, that they could compel the sturdy spirits of the North to submit without a struggle? That struggle would immediately commence between them; but when it would close, who is bold enough to say ? One thing, however, is certain, that what began in folly would end in crime; and that the ultimate Mr. Spring Rice: Ay; but I ask Gentlemen, do they believe that the connexion could be preserved for one twelvemonth after the Repeal of the Legislative Union? The experiment failed in Ireland in the year 1782,-it failed in the discussions relating to Portugal,-it failed on the Regency Act,-it failed at the period of collision with the Volunteers.-it failed in Scotland, at the time the Act of Security was passed. Do Gentlemen, then, believe, that an experiment inconsistent with all the general principles of government,-inconsistent with past experience, can succeed in Ireland, and in Ireland only? Sir, I maintain that, if the Repeal of the Union were carried, the connexion between the two countries is broken: I maintain, that to Repeal would succeed a fierce democratic Republic, which, however some Gen-consequence would be, the entire destructlemen may regard as a blessing, I, as the attached subject of the constitutional Monarchy, should deplore as one of the greatest of evils. Separation, in fact, is aimed at. An Hon. Member: No! Mr. Spring Rice: What, then, meant the beginning of the speech we heard last night? What meant the references to the United States of America? Why do we hear of Bolivar? What is the Order of Liberators? What was meant by the following sentence: -"I now approach the Atlantic, and I feel the fresh breezes that come from a country of freedom?" What is the object of a declamation like the following "The emancipated convicts of Botany Bay have a Parliament of their own; we have none, and we are 8,000,000. The slave-drivers in the West-Indies, and the fishermen of Newfoundland, have domestic Legislatures; we are without one, and we are 8,000,000. The United States of North America, the western boundary of Ireland, threw off the British yoke, and gained freedom by the sword; they were 3,000,000, and we are 8,000,000?" What means, also the late appeal to the "spirit of democratic liberty?" Sir, constitutional liberty I am ready to worship; but I reject the idol of democratic liberty which the hon. and learned Gentleman would place upon our altars. Third VOL. XXII. {Series} tion of our country. I humbly thank the House for the attention given me; I assure them that most gladly would I have compressed the matter before me into a narrower space could I have done so; but I preferred running the risk of wearying the House to the risk of omitting anything that I thought really material to my subject. I am placed, Sir, in a situation of some embarrassment; for, in the multitude of papers before me, I cannot find the Ad¬ dress which I intended to move. I will, therefore, for the sake of form, move simply, that a humble Address be presented to his Majesty. Several Hon. Members: Adjourn! adjourn! Mr. Spring Rice: I have to make ten thousand apologies to the House; but I have already stated the substance of the Amendment. It is to the following effect : 66 We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons, in Parliament assembled, feel it our duty humbly to approach your Majesty's Throne, to record, in the most solemn manner, our fixed determination to maintain unimpaired and undisturbed the Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland, which we consider to be essential to the strength and stability of the empire, to the continuance of the connexion between the two countries, 2 T |