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alluded briefly at the outset. I have already declared myself opposed to the views of my honorable colleague, (Mr. Adams,) as to giving the notice to Great Britain. I honestly believe that the termination of that convention of joint occupation, (I call it by this name for convenience, not perceiving that it makes any material difference as to the real questions before us,) at this moment, under existing circumstances, and with the view, which my honorable colleague has expressed, of following it up by the immediate occupation of the whole of Oregon, would almost unavoidably terminate in war. I see no probable, and hardly any possible, escape from such a consequence. And to what end are we to involve our country in such a calamity? I appeal to my honorable colleague, and to every member on this floor, to tell me what particular advantage is to be derived from giving this notice and terminating this convention at this precise moment, and in advance of any amicable adjustment. The honorable member from Pennsylvania (Mr. C. J. Ingersoll) has said that this convention is the own child of my honorable colleague. It has been twice established under his auspices, and with the advice and consent of statesmen as patriotic and discriminating as any who now hold the helm of our Government. What evil has it done? What evil is it now doing?

The honorable member from Pennsylvania has given us a rich description of the rapid influx of population into that territory. He has presented us with a lively picture of I know not how many thousand women and children on their winding way to this promised land beyond the mountains. Let them go! God speed them! There is nothing in the terms of this convention which impedes their passage, nor any thing which prevents us from throwing over them the protection of a limited territorial government. I am ready to go as far as Great Britain has gone, in establishing our jurisdiction there; and no interest, either of those who are going there, or of those who are staying here, calls on us to go further at present. The best interests of both parties, on the contrary, forbid any such proceeding. Gentlemen talk about following up this notice by taking immediate possession of the territory. This is sooner said than done. What if Great Britain should happen to get the start of us in that proceeding?

Such a thing would not be matter of very great astonishment to those who remember her celerity in such movements, and her power to sustain them when once made. Where should we be then? Would there be no war?

And what would be the consequences of a war under such circumstances; the consequences, not upon cotton or upon commerce, not upon Boston, or Charleston, or New York, but what would be the consequences so far merely as Oregon itself is concerned? The cry is now "the whole of Oregon or none," and echo would answer, under such circumstances, "none!" I see not how any man in his senses can resist the conviction, that, whatever compensation we might console ourselves with, by a cut out of Canada, or by the whole of Canada,-that under whatever circumstances of success we might carry on the war in other quarters of the world or of our own continent, — the adoption of such a course would result in the immediate loss of the whole of the territory in dispute. This, at least, is my own honest opinion.

As a friend, then, to Oregon, with every disposition to maintain our just rights to that territory, with the most sincere desire. to see that territory in the possession of such of our own people as desire to occupy it—whether hereafter as an independent nation, as was originally suggested by a distinguished Senator from Missouri, (Mr. Benton,) and more recently by a no less distinguished Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster,) or as a portion of our own wide-spread and glorious Republic- I am opposed to the steps which are now about to be so hotly pursued.

Sir, I feel that I have a right to express something more than an ordinary interest in this matter. There is no better element in our title to Oregon than that which has been contributed by Boston enterprise. You may talk about the old navigators of Spain, and the Florida treaty, and the settlement at Astoria, and the survey of Lewis and Clarke, as much as you please, but you all come back, for your best satisfaction, to "Auld Robin Gray" in the end. Captain Robert Gray, of Boston, in the good ship Columbia, gave you your earliest right of foothold upon that soil.

I have seen, within a few months past, the last survivor of his hardy crew, still living in a green old age, and exhibiting with

pride a few original sketches of some of the scenes of that now memorable voyage. My constituents all feel a pride in their connection with the title to this territory. But in their name I protest against the result of their peaceful enterprise being turned to the account of an unnecessary and destructive war. I protest against the pure current of the river which they discovered, and to which their ship has given its noble name, being wantonly stained with either American or British blood!

But while I am thus opposed to war for Oregon, or to any measures which, in my judgment, are likely to lead to war, I shall withhold no vote from any measure which the friends of the Administration may bring forward for the defence of the country. Whether the Bill be for two regiments or for twenty regiments, it shall pass for all me. To the last file, to the uttermost farthing, which they may require of us, they shall have men and money for the public protection. But the responsibility for bringing about such a state of things shall be theirs, and theirs only. They can prevent it, if they please. The Peace of the country and the Honor of the country are still entirely com patible with each other. The Oregon question is still perfectly susceptible of an amicable adjustment, and I rejoice to believe that it may still be so adjusted. We have had omens of peace in the other end of the Capitol, if none in this. But if war comes, the Administration must take the responsibility for all its guilt and all its disgrace.

NOTE.

THE Resolutions referred to in the foregoing speech, and which were offered by Mr. Winthrop in the House of Representatives on the 19th of December, 1845, were as follows:

Resolved, That the differences between the United States and Great Britain, on the subject of the Oregon Territory, are still a fit subject for negotiation and compromise, and that satisfactory evidence has not yet been afforded that no compromise which the United States ought to accept can be effected.

Resolved, That it would be a dishonor to the age in which we live, and in the highest degree discreditable to both the nations concerned, if they should suffer themselves to be drawn into a war, upon a question of no immediate or practical interest to either of them.

Resolved, That if no other mode for the amicable adjustment of this question remains, it is due to the principles of civilization and Christianity that a resort to arbitration should be had; and that this government cannot relieve itself from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the controversy, while this resort is still untried.

Resolved, That arbitration does not necessarily involve a reference to crowned heads; and that, if a jealousy of such a reference is entertained in any quarter, a commission of able and dispassionate citizens, either from the two countries concerned or from the world at large, offers itself as an obvious and unobjectionable alternative.

RIVER AND HARBOR IMPROVEMENTS.

A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, IN COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE ON THE STATE OF THE UNION, MARCH 12, 1846.

I AM glad of an opportunity, Mr. Chairman, to give something more than a silent vote in favor of the bill now under consideration. I know not how it may be with others, but to me it is not a little refreshing, to find this House once more engaged in the discussion of measures, which look to the immediate interests of our own country, within its rightful and recognized limits. We have been so much occupied of late with questions of foreign relation, with matters pertaining to recent and remote acquisitions, or distant and disputed territories, that we have been in danger of forgetting the old and ample homestead which our fathers bequeathed to us. The astrologer, in the fable, is said to have gazed so intently at the stars, that he stumbled into the well. And we, too, have kept our eyes so exclusively on the sister stars, as they have been termed, the twin comets, let me rather call them, which are sweeping through our political sky, in marvellous coincidence with those which are, at this moment, shooting across the heavens above us, and which would seem to be, even now, according to the old superstition, shaking from their horrid hair pestilence and war,” that the nearer and dearer interests of the people have been almost abandoned to their fate.

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I rejoice, Sir, that we have at last found a moment for withdrawing our eyes from Oregon and Texas, and fixing them upon our own domestic condition. I rejoice in the contemplation of a bill providing, not for the external aggrandizement, but for the

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