runes on both sides. A common motif was the figure of a dragon or snake, arranged along the edge for a border; and between the parallel lines forming this animal the runes were cut. In the inclosed space were often elaborate twisted animal designs, figures of the gods in relief, or illustrations of scenes from Northern mythology. The later, more finely-engraved samples of stone work at times had the background filled in with color, particularly red, in order that the bas-relief design might stand out more distinctly; 39 and occasionally the runic inscriptions themselves were painted red with a similar aim (Fig. 50).40 Not infrequently, runic stones were placed within the grave itself; but these were smaller than the ones erected upon the mound, and bore only the name of Stones the deceased, with perhaps a magical sen- Runetence. In the last part of the heathen period these small stones appear to have been more Within the commonly used than the larger monumental Grave ones. Their aim was perhaps merely per sonal to the one with whom they were buried; they were intended to aid him on his journey to the land of the shades and to be of service after his arrival. Wood at times took the place of stone as grave-markers in regions where stone was scarce, or when those having charge of the disposal of the dead were in a hurry. In the latter case, a pillar of wood-usually made from the trunk of a tree-was set up; and upon it was cut a short inscription, often only the name of the person buried beneath.42 39 Klintberg, M., Några Anteckningar om Gotland i Verkligheten och Gotland i Skrift, 108. 40 Pipping, Om Runinskrifterna. 41 Wimmer, Die Runenschrift, 306–309, 312. 42 Ibn-Fadlan, 21. Property of the Dead The property left by the dead was disposed of in various ways. If it was entirely in the form of movables, as was often true of the possessions of the merchants who traveled and trafficked with foreign peoples, it was divided into three parts, one to go to surviving relatives, another to be buried with the corpse, and a third to be devoted to the expense of the memorial feast which followed the funeral.43 The three divisions were of varying proportions, for the fraction of the property used for the two last-named purposes was determined by the piety and devotion of the surviving relatives and friends, their regard for public opinion, and the thoroughness with which they believed that the spirit of the departed, if wronged, would return to secure revenge. The division of the part remaining after honor had been shown to the dead was made according to custom and law, which, however, varied in different sections. Much attention was paid by the laws, however, to landed property. In Denmark if a married man died his wife could inherit the whole of his land only if the two had had children. The woman became the heir of her husband through her children; but eventually the property descended to the children. If the pair was childless, half of the land went to the parents of the deceased. The law applied in the same way if the wife died leaving land.44 In general, however, if there were grown sons, landed property went quite directly into their control when the father died. In Western Scandinavia, if there was only one piece of land, this appears to have gone to the eldest son; but if there were several tracts, one or more went to each male heir.45 However, 43 Ibid., 11. 44 Kong Eriks Sjellandske Lov, 2–3. 45 Steenstrup, Danmarks Historie, I, 253–255. in Iceland two sons were at times made joint heirs of a single farm. 47 In the early part of the viking period the daughter was probably shut out from any claim upon her father's land even in the absence of sons; but in Iceland during the last part of the tenth century a daughter under these circumstances became her father's heir.46 However, it was not until two hundred years later that the inheritance laws of the North began to place daughters on an equality with sons. Before this, they appear to have generally received one third of the father's possessions, while their brothers received the remaining two thirds.48 Yet, the injustice to the daughters was perhaps usually more apparent than real; for most women of ancient Scandinavia married, and the dowries settled upon them by their fathers were as a rule considerably larger than the amount given to the sons to enable them to fulfill their contracts as grooms. This fact tended to produce equalization of values in property distribution. Furthermore, often when the othal land went to the son, the daughter inherited a larger share of movable goods.49 Throughout Scandinavia it was customary for the surviving friends or kindred to hold a grave-ale or funeral feast in honor of the deceased shortly after the remains had been put out of the way. This banquet to the dead is one of the most characteristic features of funerals among Feast primitive peoples, and in the famous "wake" The Arval, or Funeral it exists at the present time among the Irish. In some parts the feast could not lawfully be held until after the seventh day following the death; and it was often post 46 Njála, 45. 47 Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, 53. 48 Valdemar den Andens Jydske Lov, 14. 49 Wisén, Theodor, Om Qvinnan i Nordens Forntid, 14. poned until the thirtieth. If the deceased was father of the family, the preparations were likely to be particularly elaborate. Occasionally, memorial feasts for several persons were held at the same time and place; 50 and in such cases large gatherings of friends and relatives were present. But great crowds once in a while assembled to do honor to a single individual, as in the case of Shelty, the Icelander, to whose grave-ale his sons invited more than fourteen hundred guests. This number was unusually large, however, for the saga account states that this was "the noblest arval ever held in Iceland." 51 The grave-ale often lasted for several days, and was usually characterized by much drinking, particularly to the memory of the dead, whom the guests were duty-bound thus to honor.52 Presumably, however, none of the friends or relatives ever regarded such an obligation as very arduous. The character and accomplishments of the departed were also extolled by members of the gathering; one gifted in saga-telling recited in prose his great deeds, or a skald composed and sang songs in his praise.53 Assumption of Heirship The grave-ale was not only a memorial to the dead but also a ceremonial, installing the living into the rights of heirship. Such an installation always took place if the heir was a grown son. At the opening of the banquet, the "high seat" of the late master of the household stood vacant, and thus it remained while the guests did him honor in the ways just mentioned. But as soon as the son had finished drinking the horn of memory to his father, he stepped forward and placed himself in the seat, by this act assuming formal possession of the property left by the 50 Saga Library, III, 271. 51 Origines Islandicae, I, 141. 52 Ibn-Fadlan, 11; Saga Library, III, 271. 53 Origines Islandicae, I, 141, 205. |