EDINBURGH

MAGAZINE.

THE expectant public must be reasonable to the untried Parliament. An idea prevails in some quarters that we may have a new reform act before we have ripened barley-suggestive of bad prospects for brewers and malsters, because a new franchise, on a scale differing widely from the present, is not likely to be established during the current year. The new House of Commons cannot get out of the Whitsun holidays into working order before the beginning of June. Then a number of election petitions must be heard, for doubts are expressed whether a batch of nominal members are to be the real representatives. The Estimates and the Mutiny Bill, along with all the private, and several public proposals, from the last Parliament, have to come on, and to go through or be stopped. The Attorney-General of England bas to carry his bill of vengeance against the directors and managers of fraudulent institutions. The Lord Advocate of Scotland has his educational experiment booked in his mind for another trial. Somebody will have, of course, something to do for Ireland. Lord J. Russell, as formerly, has to do for or with the Jews. A colonial difficulty has appeared unexpectedly regarding Lord Clarendon, the French, and Newfoundland, of which we shall hear more in the proper place and time. A large quantity of work has to be done-more than can be done well before the middle of August-without a new Reform Bill, which would lead to a new Parliament ere the clerks of the House clearly knew the gentlemen who are members of the present Parliament. A Reform Bill, if it be good, will be dangerous to the peace of many representatives; for they cannot expect to retain their lease of places long after they have enacted that thereafter they must be elected by a larger class of persons than those who sent them into Parliament. A repeal of the entail laws, or the game laws; of the connexion between the church and state, or a

revolution in any other domestic institution, with deep old roots, would leave the House of Commons safe for a time, but its own dissolution follows its own reform, like a shadow. The Bank Charter, and necessarily the currency laws, were noted for the consideration of the last Parliament in its last session, and they must occupy a month of the first session of the present Parliament-because the questions connected with them cannot be huddled over; and yet they cannot be postponed.

The new Parliament therefore will take the autumn and the winter for consideration before enlarging the constituency. This probability does not exonerate the supporters of an extension of the franchise from present duty. The first session of the new Parliament should not pass without the adoption of such resolutions on the subject as might form the basis or the nucleus of the future Reform Bill.

The Premier has received a hearty and trusting support from the country to his foreign policy. He commences the Parliament of 1857 with a clear majority of seventy, or something more, and an opposition of whom nearly one-third are loose. The Liberal Conservatives have adopted the quali fying adjective as a bridge, over which they may escape to the treasury benches, if they find the passage likely to be one of profit.

The Premier has been charged with aristocratic tendencies, and absolute repugnance towards democracy. He began life in bad company, perhaps ; but he became soon a disciple or follower of George Canning, and he has improved slowly ever since. He has never at any time made a wide step forward. His life has been one of continuous progress, and, unlike the late Sir Robert Peel, he has made neither startling nor sudden changes. Viscount Palmerston could submit to the House of Commons resolutions in favour of a large extension of the franchise, without astonishing any

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would be brushed out of existence. We would regret that result, agreeing as we do with Mr. Disraeli, that Buckinghamshire should be proud of its past, and even of its present political history. Great men have been connected with Bucks in their political capacity. It abounds in old memories that should not be allowed to perish. That calamity would not ensue, however, by bringing the representation into closer consistence than it now stands with population, or population and property. We do not want exactitude, which would require to be amended at next election, in order to continue exact. We do not seek the formation of gigantic departments, or districts with ten or twenty representatives. Indeed, our plan would keep up every electorate now in existence; but add to the small, at the expense of the strong, until a decent resemblance to a perfect system were attained, although arithmetical perfection is not possible. The re-assortment of the electoral system should proceed upon the idea of one member for each district, or each division of a district; and thus, although hereafter it might be written of Bucks as was once written of a greater land "divisa est in tres partes ;" still as it was written then "Omnis Gallia," so hereafter men will still say "Omnis Bucks," with all the honours. Mr. Disraeli opposed universal suffrage, because a man with only fifty pounds annually cannot have so much interest in the country as a man with a revenue of fifty thousand pounds. The member for Bucks even hinted at a mode of voting formed upon the practice of many joint stock companies, in which the number of shares regulates the number of votes. The cases are not equal. The shareholders of a joint stock company have their property risked in its transactions. A poor man risks all in his country. The shareholders of a company are engaged therein only for pecuniary purposes, with rare exceptions. The legislation of the country involves greater considerations than any connected with property. A gentleman possessed of fifty thousand pounds annually could save the means of escape from ruin. His servant out of his earnings might be unable to command even the means of flight, and must sink with the wreck.

Property, moreover, does not increase in real value upon the multiplication table scale. A man with a home worth fifty pounds has as much interest in its preservation as another whose house and furniture have cost five thousand pounds. The children of an industrious working man are as dear to him as those of any noble family among the Normans are to their parents; and he is as anxious, for their sake, that peace and prosperity may be upon the land as any person, however high in rank, title, or wealth, may be to perpetuate his position to his posterity.

Mr. Disraeli must have forgotten altogether the old quotations of his party. He must have overlooked when he turned the Bucks hustings into a little Dura plain, and there set up his

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golden image after the bill broking, money exchanging, Sidonian style, that

Ill fares the land to hastening ills a prey, Where wealth accumulates, and men decay. We are getting into hard times. The bold peasantry are being abandoned to the colonies and the States by their natural admirers and friends. But still "the might that slumbers in a peasant's arm" is the best defence of the fifty thousand pounds. per annum. Except for the first, the second would not be worth many years' purchase, in the present the Radical Reformers must take to the old poetry, unhappy state of the world. So we fancy that and declare that

A bold peasantry, their country's pride,

When once destroyed can never be supplied.

In our country-and it is really the same, or will soon be the same, in Bucks-the peasantry are persecuted by wealth. Wealth clears and closes glens that once were the homes of "fair women and strong men." Wealth turns the sheep grazing hills into deer forests. Wealth has been successfully wrought for the conversion of many small farms into one. Wealth has given us hundreds of bothies for thousands of cottages. The plague proceeds, and we are determined to stay it, if possible, or to try. It is our time to become Couservative, and an extension of the suffrage is the most Conservative measure of our peasantry and small farmers that can be now adopted.

Viscount Palmerston will bring out the form and shape of his Reform Bill at an early date, if he means to defy alike his foes within and his foes without. The Premier has to contend with enemies in both quarters. If the new Reform Bill be to contain a property qualification of any kind, of which we affect not to doubt, it will be one attainable by all industrious men, or it will be shattered during the agitation from this day to the meeting of Parliament in 1858. We assume that a Bill to change the suffrage decisively cannot pass in this session-but that a sketch of any plan for next year can be supplied. The omission would only give opportunity and strength to Lord John Russell, and other opponents of the Government; fill the country with surmises; and supply materials for suspicions of a not uncharitable nature.

Twenty-five years since, the political sky was red and stormy. The popular feeling was evinced by passionate resolutions and by political unions. The state was in danger, and under considerable intimidation. The Whig party turned the stream with admirable skill. Their cry-the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill-silenced criticism. Then it was impossible to balance interests, or to devise divergencies from the four broad lines-ten pounds, five pounds, household or universal suffrage. Now the public are calm and collected, and yet determined to have a change in the distribution of electoral influences, and an enlargement of the elective power. They will not be cheated easily into the continuance of conve

nient boroughs as political preserves, and they will not be contented with any mode of suffrage that excludes industrious and intelligent men.

Ten years since, we pointed to means of recouciling those who tremble at the name of universal suffrage, with the representation of the "bold peasantry" and the "skilled artizans." All men will admit in theory that all other men should have some influence in the formation of laws that they are expected to obey, and in the imposition of faxes, which they are expected to pay. Any number of men delay the practical application of this theory only for the benefit of certain other individuals, whom they treat as minors, or for the safety of society. Many individuals exist to whom the suffrage would be personally useless; but if we wait until the nation be in a thoroughly perfect state, before we enable the people to help themselves out of ignorance, the further discussion of this subject may be adjourned for a few generations. Races of mankind exist who must be guided by others for a time. At present, they have no desire for democratic and self-government. The scrfs of Russia are, we believe, qnite delighted with their bondage. This race, and others similarly situated, are different from our own, and require different treatment, but we may be assured that as a nation begins to value self-government, its concession must commence.

A numerous class of politicians like concession. They are bit-by-bit men-slow and sure; but so very slow that their progress is sure to be almost imperceptible. They plot at present a twentypounds franchise for counties as a compromise; and the addition of two or three parishes to small towns, for the production of constituencies with decent dimensions. That is the first sketch of a Reform Bill.

The second on the cards is the same thing re.. peated with deeper colours, five pounds in the boroughs, ten pounds in the counties, and a greater upmaking of parts of counties into boroughs, or the clustering of several English boroughs after the manner of Scotch and Welsh. This is the great Conservative measure of the Middle Liberals-the very wise men of the party. Various dashes are put into this sketch by individuals, with brilliant effect in some instances. Thus several gentlemen want a larger representation of the learned bodies-of the Universities-and if they would achieve no better result for mankind than the votes of the present literati, we are content not to increase our calamities. Others propose to turn income-tax receipts into qualifications for voting; a judicious proposal which Mr. Gladstone would render nugatory in 1860, by repealing the income-tax-a proposition far too good to be true.

toms they would be extremely just, reasonable, and needful reforms.

During the general election, many other schemes have been mentioned, and some of them are of small importance. The old scheme of household voting has been named. Payment of direct rates and taxes has been proposed. Either of the two is a broad, deep line-intelligible on that account. The last proceeds upon the idea that the Legisla ture looks after our money, and that a representative is merely a bore, through which the represented may be taxed. That, of course, is a great mistake. The Legislature has more interesting privileges than to tax us, while we all feel that to be a very interesting operation. In this country, moreover, many families-even families of respectability-are not householders, but lodgers; and many householders pay no direct taxes, but one sum for their accommodation, including rent and taxes.

The persons who seek to connect the "extension of the franchise" with the property of the country, could not adopt a better plan than one suggested ten years since in this magazine. Any other course short of the widest suffrage will leave us exposed to renewed agitations, when the nation should be " doing" instead of hunting after the means of "doing." The qualifications which will command general assent and respect must be attainable by all who value their possession.

A five pound franchise in boroughs, and a ten pound franchise in counties, are not rational, for the simple reason that rents are higher relatively in boroughs than in counties. Still these lines might form the foundation of a satisfactory system, placing upon them as additional qualifications, receipts for income-tax, and the officials connected with the tax offices could register all these voters.

The nation will act wisely by encouraging the accumulation of money in its own securities; and, therefore, a given and not a large sum, held in them for a fixed period, and so long as it is held, should qualify. In other words, the creditors of the nation for fifty pounds and upwards should vote on the strength of their citizenship and their claim.

The national interest will always be promoted by the numerous friendly and other associations for an accumulative purpose, if their affairs be conducted with adequate honesty and skill. Therefore it might be proper to give votes to persons holding a similar property to that already mentioned-fifty pounds in their stocks. The privilege could only be afforded to the members of societies which submitted to a thorough audit by Government accountants. The measure would secure a proper audit, a matter greatly required, if it were proper, and not after the manner characterised by one of the auditors of the Royal British Bank in his own proceeding, as a farce. The public could only know by that means whether the fifty pounds of stock represented follies and frauds, or substance.

Then the nation has an evident interest in the