emancipating their country. They had both learned their respective parts of Mr. Grattan's political aphorifm, that the Irish Proteftant should never be free, until the Irish Catholic fhould ceafe to be a flave. In the prefent fituation of the British empire, and under the existing circumftances of the Irish nation, the discontent and confequent irritation of three out of four millions of its inhabitants became an object of ferious alarm to Government, efpecially when there was a profpect of the body of the Diffenters coalefcing with this bulk of the nation. Such a coalition could not fail to give regular, preconcerted, and perhaps deep-planned movements to a body of men roufed into action merely by the foreness of their present sufferings. There were not wanting men of folid thought, ftrong reasoning, and unfhaken determination to inftil into this vast mass of people, awaking from a long lethargy of inaction and wretchedness, the pleafing and felf-convincing verities, that a free nation cannot be taxed that is not represented, nor bounden by laws in the fram ing of which they do not concur.

By what particular manœuvre the coalition was for the present warded off, I cannot trace. Government was certainly very anxious to prevent it, though nothing I believe contributed fo much towards it, as the very warm part which the Diffenters openly took in the fucceffes of the French Revolutionifts, and the undisguised predilection that fome of their lefs confiderate affociates profeffed for a republican reform of government. These fentiments ftaggered the generality of the Roman Catholics, the extent of whofe views went only to be admitted to an equal share of the existing conftitution of government, from which they were excluded; but in no fhape to lend their affiftance to change or demolish it, much lefs to frame a new one upon any other foundation.

The

The addrefs and policy with which the Irish Roman Catholics conducted their efforts in every stage to procure their freedom, have ever appeared to me truly admirable. They were fully fenfible that the frantic exceffes of the French revolutionists, and the unwarrantable exertions of their imitators and abettors within thefe kingdoms, had raised an infuperable bar at this time to every extenfion of liberty by way of reform or redress. They were fully aware that Mr. Burke had founded the alarm, and fortified and armed the benevolence of Government against the defperate enterprises of innovation. *That he did not

difcern how the prefent time came to be fo very favourable to all exertions in the caufe of freedom: And they were too obferving not to remark the influence which Mr. Burke's books and principles had lately produced upon the nation. They therefore moft judiciously committed the management of their concerns to Mr. Burke, jun. in order to fecure through their agent the advice and the countenance and the fupport of the father. Their most fanguine expectancies were gratified. They became exempted from his general ban and anathema against innovators and reformers. And he was fatisfied that the doctrines which the Roman Catholics applied to their own cafe, though wide in their principles, were not meant to be carried further than they at first pretended. In a word, he wrote a moft liberal, ingenious, and eloquent letter to his friend Sir Hercules Langrifhe, upon the reasonableness of the Roman Catholics' claim to the elective franchise; to the effects of which letter perhaps under God, that body of his countrymen owe the portion of liberty which they now enjoy. Thus fecured under the impenetrable Ægis of Mr. Burke's fanction, from any imputation of Gallic democracy

Reflections, p. 79.

in their efforts to procure their emancipation, they took the great work in hand, and proceeded in it with prudence, caution, and energy. They were graciously abfolved from the neceffity, in this inftance, of adopting the credence or following the example of their conductor and protector. They could not like him † really think they lived in a free country; nor confider the treasure of their liberty, rather as a poffeffion to be fecured, than as a prize to be contended for. The measures which in this contention they pursued, will make the fubject of future pages, as they may occur in their respective time

and order.

Reflections, p. 79:

CHAP.

Defeat of Tippoo Sultan and peace with India-France declared in danger, and arms-Notification of the King to all the Powers of Europe-Particularly folicitous for the friendship of Great Britain-Their Ambaffador's note to Lord Grenville-Evafive anfwer of our Court-Convention of Pilnitz-Death of Leopold-Francis declared Emperor-The Courts of Vienna and Berlin engage in open war against France-The declarations of their reafons for war.

Manifeftoes of the Duke of Brunfwick-The principles of the Confederates in engaging in the warMeeting and refolutions of the Scots meeting on the reform of the Burghs-Addreffes upon the proclamation-Flying camp at Bagfhot.

IF

F an unusual continuance of peace; if an uninterrupted enjoyment of power; if the unlimited confidence of the fovereign and the people; if the daily increasing commerce, the brilliant termination of a fuccessful war; if the very diftreffes of our neighbours give additional strength to the arm of Government, they redouble alfo the obligation of Minifters to fecure to the Nation, if not an increase, at least the continuance of the bleffings which naturally flow from them. Advices

L 2

Advices were during this month received of the fignal victory gained by Lord Cornwallis over Tippoo Sultan, which produced overtures of peace from the latter a ceffation of arms between the two armies was fettled, and guaranteed by the tranfmiffion of the two fons of Tippoo to Lord Cornwallis as hostages by the definitive treaty of peace, three crores and thirty lacks of Sicca rupees were agreed to be paid to the allies, and one half of the dominions which were in the poffeffion of Tippoo at the commencement of the war, were ceded to the allies adjacent to their respective boundaries and agreeably to their election. These conceflions were infifted upon and accepted by Lord Cornwallis as effectual to preferve the future peace of India from being interrupted by Tippoo or any other power.

་

The political fituation of France at this time draws our attention to a vast variety of circumstances, that in their confequences involve the dearest interests of our own and every kingdom of Europe. She was hitherto only engaged in war against the Emperor. But the principles, or rather politics, which have fince produced the general federacy against France, were from henceforth working a filent, though violent, effect. The French forefaw the gathering ftorm, and adopted vigorous measures to refift it. The legislative body passed a set form of decrees, for arming the kingdom whenever it should be in danger, as they declared it then was. The king addressed a letter to the National Affembly to exhort them to internal peace and harmony, as the fure means of repelling the hoftile attacks of any foreign enemies. He fent a formal notification to all the powers of Europe, by which he difavowed and protested against all the acts which the French princes had done in his name, as to making loans of money, entering into negociations with foreign courts, and levying troops. He profeffed his attachment to

the