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Songhay.

Neighboring Kingdoms take the command of the army, and drive A'skíá I's-hák out of

Sudán.
Meanwhile Jódar having arrived at Móse- or Bóse-Bango (the same

creek of the great river where I was encamped for some time) on the
last day of Jumáda II., remained encamped for thirty-five days, from
the first Rejeb till the 6th Sh'abán, outside the town of Timbuktu, *
when, the term fixed for the return of his courier from Morocco hay-
ing elapsed, he well saw that all was not right, and that his master
was not content with his proceedings. He therefore entered the town
with his soldiers, chose for himself the quarter of the Ghadámsíyín,
between the gate leading to Kábara and the market, as the most
densely inhabited quarter, and as containing the largest houses, for
the purpose of erecting there a kasbah, driving the inhabitants out
of their dwellings by force. It also seems, from another passage of
Ahmed Bábá, that the Rumá shut all the gates of the town with
the exception of the gate leading to Kábara, the consequence of
which was that all the people, in order to enter the town or to go
out of it, had to pass through or under the kasbah, so that the whole
traffic and all the intercourse could easily be overawed by a limited

garrison. On Friday, the 26th Shawál, the new Bashá Mahmúd arrived in Tim

búktu, accompanied by the two káíd's, 'Abd el 'Aálí and Ham Baraka, and deposed Jódar, reproaching him bitterly for not having pursued the King I's-hák; but Jódar excused himself by pleading that he had no boats at his disposition. The first thing therefore which the Bashá Mahmúd had to do was to procure boats, the inspector of the harbor having fled with the whole fleet in the direction of Banku or Bengu. It was on this occasion that all the trees

in the town were cut down. On the 20th Dhú 'l Káda, the Bashá Mahmúd left Timbuktu with

the whole of his army, taking the ex-bashá Jódar with him, and installing in the government of the town the Káid El Mustapha and the Emír Ham from Wádí Dar'a. Having kept the great festival near the town in a place called Síhank (?), he marched against I'shák, who approached with his army to make a last struggle for his kingdom and the independence of his country. But although the A'skíá seems to have been not totally devoid of energy, he could not contend against that terrible weapon which spread devastation from a great distance, for the Songhay do not seem to have possessed a single musket; and it is not impossible that the Moroccains had some small field-pieces, + while the Songhay did not even know A.D. 1591. how to use the one small cannon which the Portuguese had once A.n. 860. made them a present of, and which the Bashá afterward found in Gágho. The consequence was that in the battle which ensued, on Monday the 25th Dhú-el Hijje, I's-hák and the Songhay wero beaten, and the king fled on the road to Dendi, making a short stay in Kira-Kurma, and leaving behind him some officers, whom he ordered to make a stand in certain stations, especially the Balm'a Mohammed Kágho, who had been wounded by a ball, and the Barakoy Buttu. To the latter he gave orders at the same time to make forays against the Fullán, a fact of the highest importance, and which, combined with another fact, which I shall soon bring forward, shows how this

The Fulbe or Fullán begin to play remarkable tribe, which we have

a prominent part in the history seen stirring in these regions al

of this region.

• Journ. Leip. Oriental Soc., ix., p. 549.

+ This is not certain, although farther on Ahmed Bábá mentions line, which Mr. Ralfs trane lates (p. 554) by " Geschütz;" but the common musket being called it by the Arabe la an! Dear Timbuktu, it is not quite certain whether the author means field-pieces or matchlocks,

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE HISTORY OF SONGHAY. 677

Songhay.

Neighboring Kingdoms. ready several years previously, as soon as they saw the established government endangered, broke out in order to make use of circum

stances for establishing themselves firmly in the country. A'skíá I's-hák wanted the Barakoy to imprison the royal princes who

were in his company at the time, in order to prevent their joining the enemy, but they escaped; and he also endeavored in vain to cause a diversion in his rear by raising a revolt in Timbuktu, but his messenger was killed. The Basha Mahmúd ben Zarkúb pursued the king, and did not halt till he reached Kúkíá, having with him, according to Ahmed Bábá, 174 divisions of musketeers, each of twenty men,* so that, if the ranks were all filled, he had 3480 men, or, including the officers, about 3600; and these being all armed with matchlocks, there was certainly no army in Negroland able to resist them. Seeing that a numerous undisciplined army against a well-disciplined and compact band, armed with such a destructive weapon, was only a burden, the Songhay king seems to have thought that a band of choice men, even if small in numbers, was preferable, and he therefore sent Híki Serkía, an officer of acknowledged bravery, with a body of 1200 of the best horsemen of his army, who had never fled before an enemy, to attack the Bashá. But the fate of Songhay was decided; treachery and disunion still further impaired the power which, even if well kept together, would still have had great difficulty in resisting such an enemy. When therefore that very body of cavalry rendered homage to the Balm'a Mohammed Kágho, in A.D. 1591- The tribe of the Erhámena becomes the beginning of the last year of 1592. powerful in the west. the tenth century of the Hejra, A.H. 1000. The Zoghorán or Jawámbe conand made him A'skíá, I's-hák,

quer great portions of the former seeing that all was lost (from

Songhay country. Dendi, where he staid at the time?), took the direction of Kebbi. He was, however, obliged to retrace his steps, as the Kanta, the ruler of that kingdom, which at that period was still enjoying very great power, afraid probably of drawing upon himself the revenge of the dreaded foreign foe, who with the thunder of his musketry was disturbing the repose of Negroland, or moved by that ancient hatred which since the expedition to A'gades existed between the Songhay and the inhabitants of Kebbi, refused him admission into his dominions. I's-hák therefore recrossed the river, and went to Téra, $ where his last friends took leave of him. Even the inhabitants of this very place, who have preserved their independence till the present day, were not able, or were not inclined to to defend their liege lord. There they separated and bade each other farewell. The king wept, and they (the courtiers) wept, and it was the last time that they saw each other.” There was certainly a strong reason for weeping over the fate of Songhay. That splendid empire, which a few years back had extended from the the middle of Háusa as far as the ocean, and from Mósi as far as Tawát, was gone, its king an exile and fugitive from his native land,

• In order to make out the whole numbers of the army of the Bashá, we must add the garrison of Timbuktu, which could certainly not be less than a couple of hundred men.

+ It would be highly absurd to conclude, from what A'hmed Bábá says of the strength of this army, that its numbers made it so, for in numbers it was certainly a very small army for Negroland, where armies of from 30,000 to 50,000 men are of common occurrence, and the Imám e' Tekrúri saye that the Songhay king bad an army of 140,000 men, Revue Africaine, l. c.

| Bábá A’hmed writes this name exactly as it is pronounced,

s, while the name Kábi is never

used, but must have been formerly used, as is evident from the form Kábáwa. See page 146.

,6 (p. 553), not Tara. There is no doubt that the well-known Songhay town of that name (vol. iii., Ap. V.) is meant.

Songhay,

Neighboring Kingdoms deserted by his friends and nearest relations, had to seek refuge with his very enemies. Driven back from the Mohammedans in Kebbi, he now turned toward the pagans of Gurma and those very inhabitants of Tinfiri upon whom he had made war two years before; and indeed the pagans were more merciful than the Mohammedans, and forgot their recent wrong sooner than the latter their old one; but probably the ex-king excited their fear, and after having resided there some time he was slain, together with his son

and all his followers, in the month of Jumada the second. Meanwhile there seemed to be still a slight prospect for the pretender

Mohammed Kagho to save at least part of the empire, as all that remained of wealth and authority in Songhay gathered round him to do him homage; but even now the ancient family discord prevailed, and while he strengthened himself by some of his brothers, whom he liberated from prison, especially Nuh, the former governor of Bantal, others among his brothers, sons of Dáud, fied to the enemy, and, being well receired, dragged after them a great many of the most influential men of the army. After this Mohammed Kigho was induced by treachery to throw himself upon the mercy of the Bashs, from whom he received the assurance that he had noth

ing to fear; but he was laid in chains, and soon after executed. The Basha Mahmud, although he evidently gorerned the country

with a strong hand, nevertheless, in the beginning at least, thought it more prudent to keep up a certain national form, and conferred the dignity of A skis upon the Barakor Bulta; but the latter soon found it better to proride for his own safety by a speedy fight, and the Basha then gave the hollow title of A skrá to Slimán ben A skis

Daud, who had been the first to put himself under his protection The Basha then went to pursue Suh, formerly Governor of Bantal,

who having been liberated from his prison br Mohammed Kágba, returned to Dendi, that outlying and important province of Scoghar, as soon as he saw his protector fail, and declared kimsel Askis in Dendi; but even beyond the Niger be seemed not to be safe: such was the remarkable rigor of this small Moroccain any sod the energy of its leader, under the auspices of that aspiring pemios Mular Hamed. On the frontier of Dendi the Moroccan maketeers, within bearing of the subjects of Kants, fought a battle with this last germ of Songhar independence, and ranquisbed A shis Nah even there: and the Bashs porsped the fugitive prince with out relaxation from place to place for fall two years, fighting repeat ed hartles with him. Xar, he even built a fortress or kestab in Kalna **, and placed there a partison of 900 masketeers under the Kud Omar, as if he intended to bold possession forever of this disant prorice for his master in Morocca This is a hichir interesting fact. But a small spark of satire independence Drenthe less remained behind in this prince, from bence the Moroc. caias, after the first energetie impulse was gube, were forced to

While the Basha time as thus raging relentless ar apzinst the

bacleus and eastern part of the Songhat empire, the conquest and descroction of Badonal independence was going on no less in the west. The prest centre of mana feeling and of independent sin in that quarter was Timbekom a town almost enjting the runk of a second capital om aoroant of the prestar sm o hammedan learning therein concentrated. It was an account of

S ve sording to the vier vber immering asennt. Nagpuri de Sant per Isted in the Beue Africa 11429, she shuarity Menu estean s far from

, the rules & Retur sad se bere m e bu suyucianthe base

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE HISTORY OF SONGHAY. 679

Songhay.

Neighboring Kingdoms. this feeling of independence, probably, that the inhabitants would not bear the encroachments of the Káíd el Mustapha upon their liberty, especially as he wanted to fill from his own choice, after the death of Yáhia, the place of the Tumbutu-koy, or Túmbutu-mangha, as he is here called, the office of the native governor. Thus a bloody tumult arose in the town, when the Tárki chief Ausamba came to the assistance of the distressed Káid, probably from motives of plunder, and thus the whole town was consumed by flames, it being a dreadful day for the inhabitants. Nay, the enraged Káíd, who had now got the upper hand, wanted to slaughter them all; but the Káid Mámi succeeded in re-establishing peace between the inhabitants and El Mustapha, and quiet and comfort began to return, so that even those who had emigrated again returned to their native homes. Even the inspector of the harbor, who had retired to the province of Banku or Bengu, came back with the fleet. The communication therefore with Jinni and the region on the upper course of the river

was re-opened.
Having then made a successful expedition against the Zoghorán, who

devastated the districts of Bara and Dirma, and inflicted upon them
a most severe punishment, the
Kárd Mámi went himself to Jin-
ni, which had suffered a great

The Bambara appear as a conquerdeal from the devastating incur

ing race. sions of the pagan Bámbara, and took up his residence for a time in the palace of the Jinnikoy. Having then installed 'Abd-Allah ben 'Othmán as Governor of Jinni, and arranged matters in that distant place, he returned to Timbúktu. Samba Lámido (“lámido” means “ governor”), evidently a Púllo, in Danka or Denga, devastated many of the places on the Rás el má, and committed great havoc and bloodshed. Thus the Moroccains had conquered almost the whole of this extens

ive empire, from Dendi as far as and even beyond Jinni, for they even took possession of part of Baghena, and conquered the whole province of Hómbori, or, as it is called, from its rocky character, Tóndi or El Hajri, to the south of the river. Nay, they even conquered part of Tombo, the strong native kingdom inclosed between Hómbori, Mósi, Jinni, and Jimballa. They had their chief garrisons in Jinni, Timbuktu, Bámba, which on this account received the name Kasbah, in Gágho, and Kalna in Dendi, and their chief strength consisted in intermarrying with the natives, and thus producing a distinct class of people, who, as Ermá or Rumá, are distinguished to this very day, while the peculiar dialect of Songhay, which they speak, has been produced lately as a distinct language by M. Raffenel.* But these half-castes soon found all their interest in their new abode, and cared very little for Morocco, so that the advantage which the latter country drew from this conquest was only of a very transitory character. Certainly, there was some sort of order established, but there was no new organization, as it seems, the old forms being preserved, and soon becoming effete. On the whole, we can not but admire the correctness of the following passage of Bábá A'hmed, who says, “ Thus this Mahalla at that period found in Sudán (Songhay) one of those countries of the earth which are most favored with comfort, plenty, peace, and prosperity every where; such was the working of the government of the Emír el Múmenín, A'skíá el Háj Mohammed ben Abu Bakr, in consequence of his justice and the power of his royal command, which took full and peremptory effect, not only in his capital, but in all the districts of his whole empire, from the province of Dendi to the frontiers of Morocco, and from the territory of Bennendugu (to the south of Jinni) as far as Tegháza and Tawát. But in a moment all was

* See p. 297.

Songhay.

Neighboring Kingdoms. changed, and peaceful repose was succeeded by a constant state of fear, comfort and security by trouble and suffering; ruin and misfortune took the place of prosperity, and people began every where to fight against each other, and property became exposed to constant danger; and this ruin began, spread, increased, and at length prevailed throughout the whole region." Thus wrote old Bábá A’hmed, who

The kingdoms of Asianti and Dahad himself lost every thing in

home begin to become powerful. consequence of that paramount calamity which had befallen his native land, and who had been carried a prisoner to the country of the conqueror, till, owing to the unbounded respect which the enemy himself felt for the learning and sanctity of the prisoner, he was released, and allowed to return to Songhay, where he seems to have finished his days by endeavoring to console himself for the loss of all that was dear to him with science, and in writing the history

of his unfortunate native country. Múláy Hámed el Mansúr, the conqueror of Songhay, died.

A.D. 1603.

A.1. 1012. Zédán his youngest son, is proclaimed sultan, but has to sustain a long A.D. 1607.

struggle against his brothers 'Abd-Allah and Sheikh, and after an A.H. 1016. unfortunate battle on the 8th December, is driven beyond the limits

of Morocco, when Sheikh is recognized for a limited period. All these changes could not fail to exercise an immediate influence

upon the government of Songhay, which had now become a

province of Morocco. * Múláy Zédán died.

A.D. 1630.

A.H. 1040. Múláy 'Abd el Melek succeeds

him: is assassinated. Muláy Walid succeeds him.

A.D. 1635.
A.H. 1045-6.
A.D. 1637. The French make a settlement on

A.H. 1048. the Senegal. The History of Songhay composed A.D. 1640. The Tademékket are driven out of by A’hmed Bábá.

A.H. 1050. their former seats and deprived Great inundation in Timbuktu, in

of their supremacy by the Aweconsequence of the high level at

límmid or A'welímmiden (the tained by the river.

Lamta), who formerly had been settled in Igídi with the Welád

Delém, with whom they were allied. Karidénne, the son of Shwásh and of a wife from the tribe of the Tademékket, murdered the chief of the latter tribe, and drove them out of A'derár, when they went westward and implored the protection of the Basha, who assigned them new seats round about

the backwaters between Timbuk

tu and Gundam. Múláy Ahmed Sheikh succeeds to A.D. 1647.

Múláy Walid, but is soon after A.H. 1057.

killed in a revolt, Króm el Háji usurps the throne: is A.D. 1654-5. soon after assassinated.

A.H. 1065. Múláy Mohammed, son of Muláy A.D. 1664.

'Ali, the founder of the Filáli dy- A.H. 1075-8. nasty, dethroned by his brother E' Rashid: E' Rashíd takes possession of the town of Morocco. • I had no time to excerpt this latter part of Bábá Ahmed's history, but it is full of information with regard to this turbulent period.

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