garded. The great importance of the Eastern question, its ever more threatening aspect, the weighty changes which its present introduction into European, and perhaps American, politics is calculated to produce in international alliances and animosities, cause it to command great attention. Men feel uneasy and look with anxiety towards the land of the rising sun, as they fear that they must unwillingly discern on the Eastern horizon signs of a coming storm, which may involve the nations of Western and perhaps central Europe in a rude shock with the mysterious giant of the North.

"The disturbances in Epirus, where already the Turkish troops have had an unsuccessful skirmish with the insurgents, the riot in Syria, and the attitude of Greece are all supposed to show that some foreign aid must be given to Turkey if it is intended that the 'sick man' is not to be left in imminent danger of having his end accelerated."

All these complications are tending rapidly toward what students of prophecy look for-the tripartite division of Europe; a division that will emerge out of (See Rev. xvi. 19.)

war.

In a former part of this work it was stated that the correspondent of the Times had written, expressing his belief, that three great powers would soon govern and rule in Europe - Pan-Slavism, PanTeutonism, and Pan-Latinism. He states: "The three great divisions of the European people never, perhaps, were nearer to the formation of three great

empires than they are in this stirring age. Already the Emperor Napoleon can at any emergency rely on Italian and Spanish aid as fully as if he had his seat of government in Turin or Madrid. It will matter little whether Russia extends her sway to the Dardanelles and the Archipelago, or is strongly connected by political and religious ties with a Slavo-Grecian empire having its head at Constantinople. Little will it matter, too, whether Germany constitutes a state or a federation of states, and whether the three Northern kingdoms enter into her combination as mere vassals or independent allies. For the welfare of the three great divisions and for the common peace, it is well, I believe, that the world should accustom itself to the notion of this Pan-Slavism, PanTeutonism, and Pan-Latinism."

A correspondent in the Evening Standard confirms this. He states that in a conversation with a Russian statesman the latter said: "I am advised that the demands of France extend much farther, and if they are not gratified that she is likely to sulk and take nothing, biding her time.' 'It is rather mean to look to so poor a compensation.' 'It is not the meanness of the emperor, but of his people; they must have something. And really what right have they to anything? They have not shed a drop of blood or spent a shilling in this war; but France is so jealous of another nation's success that the new rule, it seems, must be to claim compensation in all

cases.

Do not be quite sure that your own country

men must not pay for the successful submerging of the Atlantic cable by ceding Malta or Gibraltar!' 'Well, but to be serious, will not Russia object to a strong German Power on her frontier as well as France ?' 'She might have done something to prevent the present state of things; but it was more to preserve her influence and dynastic obligations amongst the small states than from any jealousy of Prussia. IN FUTURE THERE WILL BE THREE GREAT CONTINENTAL STATES, AND EACH WILL BE SO BALANCED THAT ANY ONE WILL FEAR TO FACE ANOTHER

SINGLY. In future wars there will be carefully prearranged alliances. Is it likely France and Germany will in any case combine against Prussia? On the other hand, while France, no matter how despotically governed, will long be the head of the revolutionary and democratic principle, for the next two generations at all events Prussia and Russia are likely to pull together. Austria, be sure, will go with them. The consequence may be to keep France quiet; but they must be prepared in any event to vanquish her if she forces a war. Germany will not be aggressive; it will be consolidatory. Russia never will be aggressive westward; nor eastward, not a long time more; therefore it is only France, sighing for "expansion at the cost of her neighbours, which can originate a war. I do not deviate from what I before said to you. Circumstances have since only made this change- they have shown the military feebleness of Austria, and they have taught France

to respect Prussia. If the wise, though apparently timid, policy of the Emperor of the French be carried out there will be no war. But there is great danger both to his own dynasty and to the world if pressure from outside forces him next year or the year after to make a war which, I still maintain, will bring Europe in arms on his frontier.' I thought it well to lay this conversation before you almost word for word, according to my recollection, as it was spoken, and you will do well to note the ideas of the person who conversed with me as those of no ordinary man."

The same product of the Revolution which is indicated in prophecy and inferred by the Times' correspondent is thus expected on other grounds by this acute Russian statesman.

Should the Pope, after the second retirement of the French from Rome, fail to enlist the sympathies of Italy, or to secure, at least, an arrangement by conference or compromise, it needs no prophet to foresee that Rome will become the capital of the kingdom of Victor Emmanuel, and that the extinction or the expulsion of the Pope-King will be the logic of the accomplished fact. His destruction is the burden of prophecy; but such an ecclesiastical catastrophe as the entire fall of Popery will not be consummated, unless amid convulsions that will shake all Europe to its deepest foundations.

The irritation springing up between France rushing into Rome to save the Pope, and Italy rushing

into Rome to annex the capital, is fraught with dangerous issues. Yet nothing can or will save the Pope-King. His doom is written. Prolonged conflict around the Vatican may prolong his torment; it cannot prevent his certain and nearing doom.

The nations are at heart sick of his intolerable tyranny, and his people are weary of the boasting and awful pretensions of this colossal imposture.

France must see she cannot do without Italy, and Italy will not be friendly or co-operate with France unless France acquiesce in the adoption of Rome as the Italian capital, or, what is the same thing, the destruction of the Pope-King.

The recent defeat of Garibaldi by the Pope's mercenaries, backed by the emperor's arms, is not the permanence of the Papacy finally secured. Italy will be less patient of compromise, because so peremptorily treated by Napoleon; and the banishment of Garibaldi will raise afresh and in greater fury that revolution which is lulled, not laid.

So certain are the very friends of the Pope that his removal from Rome will be elected by himself or forced on him by others, or at farthest be accomplished on the death of Pius IX., that already they have proposed, with great eloquence, that the chair of St. Peter be transferred to Jerusalem-a site which we can assure his friends will soon be occupied by a far sublimer presence, and covered with a purer and more lasting glory.

The democratic passions of Europe gather force