worst portion is almost always the most prominent. In parish wards the compact number of electors, their clear and substantial and common interest to make a judicious choice, their means of accurately judging, after a short working of the system, whom to choose, and the freedom and fairness of the election, would cause a very different process from that which is witnessed amidst the corruptions, and unreasonableness, and violence of the oligarchic and ochlocratic systems. This is the first operation of what I have called the democratic principle, or principle of self-government, fitly organized; one of the advantages of which would be the pro duction of a new race of characters, for which at present there is no opening; and we may judge of the soundness of the ochlocratic principle, by the fact, that its extension has not exhibited a single instance of an improvement of public men.

In the arrangement I propose, one strong inducement to men of character and business to take the lead in the affairs of their respective divisions would be the apprehension of personal annoyance to themselves, and of injury to their every-day interests, if they allowed ill-qualified persons to be set in authority over them. Now, whenever means can be devised to excite the respectable portion of the community to take an active part in public affairs, that portion, all experience shows, is sure to prevail. It is the general supineness of the deserving that gives to the undeserving any chance of ascendency; and that supineness cannot exist under the democratic principle fitly organized. Under any other principle it will always exist, for the reasons stated in the article on the Principles of Government, in my first number. Compact divisions under the constant inspection of men of character would, by that inspection alone, become greatly improved. Mere authority prevails only as it presses; but authority joined with worth dispels disorder, and, as it were, clears the moral atmosphere. What Plutarch says of the effect of Numa's virtue, I have seen enough to know, is true to nature; and here I must

again most strongly recommend to my reader's attention the extracts from his life given in my second number-especially the beautiful passage in pages 18, 19.

There would be other inducements to the best qualified to become the heads of wards, which I shall mention when I come to consider the heads in their capacity of representatives in the parish councils.

In point of detail it may perhaps be objected, that it would frequently be dangerous to confine the right of choosing the heads of wards to the inhabitants of the wards, instead of extending it to those of the parish generally, and in some debased divisions it might possibly for a time cause some slight inconvenience. But, in the first place, it is to be considered that the main principle of the choosers having a strong common personal interest in their choice, can only be called into full action by such a restriction; secondly, that the present debasement could not long continue under an improved organization; and thirdly, that comparison on every side would soon operate beneficially on elections-besides that the lowest classes are the least jealous of their superiors, and the most so of their equals and those only a little above them; add to which, the introduction of a few improper persons into a body of men of weight would certainly end in the confusion and retreat of the intruders. The restriction of the right of voting to those who have an immediate interest in exercising their right, is the only sound principle; and the adoption of a sound principle, though attended with some present inconvenience, must always end in sound results-whereas the admission of an unsound principle, in order to avoid partial or temporary evil, will eventually produce greater evil still.

Lastly, it is to be observed, that the institution of parish wards would be no new or doubtful experiment. It is only the combined application of two tried principles; the first, the true English one of self-government, and the second, the principle of division carried down to the point of personal con

trol. It is military division, and civil principle; which is the only organization by which well-ordered and real freedom can exist. A parish ward would be to a parish what a company is to a regiment; and the head of the ward, with his deputy and inferior assistants, would answer to the captain with his lieutenant and non-commissioned officers. The company is the foundation of the discipline and well-being of the army, as the ward would be the foundation of the discipline and wellbeing of the state. Military division, combined with the principle of self-government, seems to have been the system perfected by Alfred; and I have so high an idea of its efficacy, as fully to believe the accounts of the good order reported to have prevailed in his reign. Besides, if the histories of him handed down to us had been fictitious, they would, from the age in which he lived, have made him superstitious and bigoted; but though he is always stated to have been devout, his devotion is represented as pure as his love of justice. It is only under a system of moral influence such as his, that his noble saying, that men ought to be as free as their own thoughts, has any sense. It supposes perfect liberty of action to men made just by good govern

ment.

I shall in my next number proceed to the consideration of parish government in the aggregate.

PAROCHIAL IMPROVEMENT.

The following extract is from the introduction to a pamphlet of mine on Pauperism, first published in 1826. I give it here, not on account of the particular subject, but in connection with the preceding article, as a practical proof of what might be effected in general improvement by an organized

superintendence under the authority of the law. I was armed with no authority but that of influence of my own creating, and had no organization but a voluntary and very imperfect one. The place, when I began, was considered in a hopeless state of demoralization, and its name was a sort of by-word in the country round; yet a great deal of the attention I bestowed upon it was beyond what was required for its management, and had for its object my own instruction. I made it my constant aim to establish the principle of self-government, and the consequence has been that the system I introduced works well to this day.

"In August 1817, an opportunity occured to me of commencing an experiment on the subject of pauperism in the township of Stretford, in the parish of Manchester--a district partly manufacturing, but principally agricultural, and containing about 2,000 acres of land and as many inhabitants. I began by procuring the adoption of somewhat the same plan as Mr. Sturges Bourne's Select Vestry, not then legalized—a suggestion of the neighbouring magistrate, whom I consulted in the first instance, and whose co-operation, as well as that of the most respectable inhabitants, I uniformly met with, during a residence at intervals of three years and a half. I soon found that the magistrates as usual had no confidence in the overseers, to the great gain of the paupers, whose appeals from the overseers to the magistrates were incessant. I found that the paupers were insolent in the extreme to the farmers, and in a great measure their masters-that the paupers were leagued together to get as much from the rates as possible, and that they practised all sorts of tricks and impositions for that purpose-that the industrious labourers were discouraged the well-disposed inhabitants afraid, or persuaded that it was in vain to interfere-and every individual driven to do the best he could for himself or his connexions at the general expense. For some time the paupers tried every art to deccive or tire me out, and some of the rate-payers who

were ousted from the management thwarted me in secret; but the good effects of the new system became so apparent, both as to economy and good order, that opposition grew less and less, and at last suddenly and entirely ceased. I spent almost my whole time for some months in visiting the labouring classes—in making myself master of their habits-in explaining to them the causes of their distress-and in enforcing, as occasions arose, the doctrines of Mr. Malthus, which I took care to put in the most familiar and pointed manner I was able, and I was surprised to see the effect generally produced -it was as if a new light had broken in upon my hearers. By degrees I gained their confidence-they constantly applied to me to settle their disputes, or for legal advice, or for assistance in whatever difficulties they found themselves; and as I was frequently able to serve them, I found that circumstance of great advantage in carrying into execution any measure of severity or privation. With respect to former abuses in the management, I made it a rule never to look back, but held that neglect on one side and imposition on the other had balanced the account, and that it would be better to look only to the future. I found this plan attended with the best effects. Those who had profited by abuse were glad to escape so easily. Those who really wished for what was right were not revolted by any appearance of harshness; and instead of wrangling about the past, every thing went on well for the present, and not one retrograde movement was made. A few hours in a week soon became sufficient to do all the business, and at last a trifling superintendence was alone necessary. Information came to me from all quarters—the league amongst the paupers was dissolved-appeals to the magistrates, whose unvaried countenance I experienced, entirely ceasedthe rates were considerably diminished-the labourers depended more upon themselves, and were generally better off—

* I mean the doctrines Mr. Malthus himself laid down, not those ignorantly attributed to him.