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stood him in good stead. His reputation for loyalty was such that he could afford to visit in the Tower both Essex in 1683 (BURNET, p. 294), and in the new reign Monmouth, and to plead the cause of Alice Lisle when under sentence by Jeffreys (MACAULAY, i. 638). Immediately on the accession of James II Clarendon had been appointed to the great office of lord privy seal in the place of Halifax, and during the earlier part of the year had in various ways exerted himself on behalf of the throne (Diary and Correspondence, i. 136 seqq., 147, 181-3). In September 1685 his office of privy seal was put into commission (Evelyn being one of the commissioners, Diary, ii. 475), and he was named lordlieutenant of Ireland. It may be, as Burnet surmises (iii. 73), that James reckoned on finding a subservient instrument for his Irish policy in his kinsman, the head of a broken house (cf. EVELYN, ii. 408). But being first and foremost a protestant of the church of England Clarendon could not, except for purely selfish ends, fall in with the policy of governing Ireland for and by the Irish Roman catholics. The Earl of Tyrconnel had been summoned to London from the command of the military forces in Ireland about the date when Clarendon set out for Dublin (December 1685). The journey occupied the better part of four weeks, including Christmas festivities at Chester and a memorable crossing of Penmaenmawr, Carnarvonshire, in three coaches and a wagon (Diary and Correspondence, i. 190-205; Ellis Correspondence, i. 29). On 9 Jan. 1686 the new lord-lieutenant arrived in Dublin. He speedily found his authority overshadowed by that of the absent commander-in-chief, whose return was talked of in London as early as the middle of January (cf. Ellis Correspondence, i. 17-18) and in Dublin from the beginning of March (cf. Diary and Correspondence, i. 288). Soon afterwards Clarendon was bluntly apprised by Sunderland of the king's intention to introduce large numbers of Roman catholics into the Irish judicial and administrative system, as well as into the army (ib. p. 293). Clarendon, while he sought to allay the panic which spread among the Dublin protestants, complained bitterly of the position in which he was placed. He conformed to the wishes of the king and of the extreme party, by warning bishops and preachers against offending Roman catholic feeling, and by admitting Roman catholics as councillors and as officers of the army, as well as by urging their admission into town corporations (ib. pp. 258, 282, 399-400, 417,461). But he thoroughly disliked the policy, although he only permitted himself certain guarded protests against it to

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the king (ib. pp. 298,338). When in June 1686 Tyrconnel actually returned with full powers as commander-in-chief, Clarendon still clung to his office, striving to keep his natural unfortunate temper' under manifold provocations and indignities inflicted upon him by 'the huffing great man' (EVELYN, iii. 425; cf. Diary and Correspondence, i. 466, 474, 481, and Clarendon's letter to the king, ib. p. 494).

In August 1686 Tyrconnel, who had entirely transformed the army, and even made a change in the command of the lord lieutenant's own bodyguard, visited England to obtain the king's permission for the completion of his work by undoing the Act of Settlement, which Clarendon was desirous of upholding (ib. p. 560). Clarendon sent many protests to both king and queen during his rival's absence (ib. p. 556; cf. ii. 18, 21-2); but as his brother's influence visibly sank, he began to doubt whether his complaints were ever permitted to reach the king (ib. ii. 26, 32, 43, 51). At last he came to the conclusion that no hope of retaining his post in Ireland remained except through the kindness of the queen (ib. pp. 45, 66), and even this support he feared to have forfeited for some petty reason (ib. pp. 79-80). Not until about three weeks after the dismissal of Rochester (8Jan. 1687), did he receive his letter of recall from Sunderland (ib. pp. 134 sqq.) Tyrconnel, who took Clarendon's place (cf. RERESBY, p. 369), had a final interview with the outgoing viceroy on 8 Feb. On 21 Feb. Clarendon landed at Neston in Cheshire (Ellis Correspondence, i.246). He had taken the precaution of carrying with him the books of the stores, with the design, as Tyrconnel suggested to Dartmouth, of leaving his successor in the dark (Dartmouth MSS. 132).

His

Clarendon at the time solemnly placed on record his resolution that nothing should tempt him to contribute in the least to the prejudice of the English protestant interest (Diary and Correspondence, ii. 143). friends hoped that his royal brother-in-law, who granted him several private audiences during the month after his arrival (Ellis Correspondence, i. 252), would restore to him the privy seal. It was, however, given on 16 March 1687 to a zealous Roman catholic, Lord Arundell of Wardour (EVELYN, iii. 32), and Clarendon had to withdraw into private life. Evelyn (ib. p. 40) in August 1687 records a visit to Swallowfield, where Lord Cornbury was on a visit to his father; the earl was at the time sorely troubled by a marriage project of his eldest son, from the difficulty of raising the sums required for a settlement on the encumbered family

estates (Diary and Correspondence, i. 200; ii. 180-2; cf. BURNET, iii. 331, note; Ellis Correspondence, ii. 42-4). To relieve himself of pecuniary difficulties he engaged in speculations, ranging from the digging for coal in Windsor forest to the traffic of Scotch pedlars (Diary and Correspondence, i. 284). A pension of 2,000l. per annum conferred on him by James II about the beginning of 1688 was probably welcome, although Halifax thought it inadequate (ib. ii. 155). Macaulay (iii. 33) ignores it.

Marlborough, he would have well liked to have had a chance of sharing (Conduct of the Duchess of Marlborough, p. 18). In the council of peers called by the king on his return to discuss the question of summoning a free parliament (27 Nov.) Clarendon inveighed unsparingly against the royal policy (Diary and Correspondence, ii. 204–9; cf. BURNET, iii. 340, and Dartmouth's note); and on 1 Dec. he set out for Salisbury to make his peace with William. On 3 Dec. he had an interview with the prince at Berwick, Clarendon more than ever identified his near Hindon, and speedily made up his interests with those of the church. While in mind, with a view to the interests of the Ireland he had received a mark of confidence family as well as to the destinies of the from Oxford by being named high steward of country, to tender his support to the prince the university (5 Jan. 1686, DOYLE), and on (Diary and Correspondence, ii. 213, 216-17). leaving England he had done his best to He was present at the Hungerford conferkeep the ecclesiastical appointments open ence on 8 Dec., and followed the advance of for better days. He advised the bishops in the prince as far as Henley, where, on 13 Dec., the Tower concerning their bail (Diary and he obtained leave of absence, wearily informCorrespondence, ii. 177), and was asked by ing his friend the bishop of Ely that all Jeffreys to use his good offices with Sancroft was naught' (ib. p. 225). By the prince's de(ib. p. 180). Accordingly the course of events sire he waited on him again at Windsor on soon made the queen, whose goodwill Claren- 16 Dec., and took heart to present to him his don had while in Ireland persistently wooed, brother Rochester. It was at the conference and on whose council he had been placed in held at Windsor that Clarendon was said to 1681, anxious in her turn for his countenance have suggested the confinement of King (ib.) On 24 Sept. 1688, the day after her James to the Tower (Conduct of the Duchess friendly reception of him, Clarendon found of Marlborough, p. 18; cf. Vindication of the the king himself, in view of the Dutch prepa- Duchess, pp. 5–7); while, according to Burrations for invasion, anxious to see what the net (iii. 355), improved by Macaulay (ii. 64), Church of England men will do.' 'And your he proposed his relegation to Breda. He majesty will see that they will behave them- himself distinctly declares that, except at the selves like honest men, though they have been | Windsor meeting, he had never been present somewhat severely used of late' (ib. p. 189). at any discourse concerning what should be By-and-by he became still more resolute, done with King James, but that he was and on 22 Oct., at the council summoned by against the king being sent away (Diary and the king to hear his declaration concerning Correspondence, ii. 287). He was certainly the birth of the Prince of Wales, declined to now fully alive to the gravity of the crisis, sit by the side of Father Petre, and asked though he may have doubted whether or not to attend as a peer only (ib. ii. 195-6; cf. he ought to kick against the pricks' (cf. EVELYN, iii. 57). On the other hand, he seems EVELYN, Diary, iii. 429); but such efforts to have loyally used his influence with the as he made to warn the unfortunate king Princess Anne (Diary and Correspondence, against being hurried into an irretraceable pp. 199, 201); so that the king may have been step were frustrated by the flight of which sincere in crediting (1 Nov.) his assurance that he was informed by the prince himself (ib. he had had no concern in the invitation to the p. 234). Prince of Orange (ib. p. 200). Unfortunately, nine days after the landing of the prince followed the desertion to him of Lord Cornbury (14 Nov.), which was afterwards, with some show of reason, thought to have begun the general defection "(CLARKE, Life of James II, ii. 215). The anguish of Clarendon, who immediately (16 Nov.) threw himself at the feet of the king and queen, was probably genuine, though its motives may have been complex. His wife was not in the secret of the flight of the Princess of Denmark (ib. p. 226), in which, according to the Duchess of

Under the new régime Clarendon at first continued to bear himself as the representative of the protestant interest in Ireland, and early in 1689 had several interviews on its behalf with William (Diary and Correspondence, ii. 238, 243, 258). Indeed, Burnet (iii. 368-9) affirms that Clarendon's hopes were set on a return to Dublin, but that Tyrconnel's agents found means to frighten William into altogether declining to discuss Irish affairs with Clarendon, who hereupon took his revenge by reconciling himself to King James.' He certainly both repudiated

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the whig assumption of abdication,' and the settlement of the crown upon William and Mary, speaking with vehemence against this measure in parliament, and afterwards refusing to take the oaths to the new government (Diary and Correspondence, ii. 260 sqq.; cf. BURNET, iii. 376). He remonstrated with his younger niece Anne as to her unconcern about her father's misfortunes (Diary and Correspondence, ii. 249); while with the loss of Queen Mary's favour he, of course, abandoned all present prospect of office (EVELYN, iii. 70). He spent part of the summer of 1689 'for his health' at Tunbridge Wells, and was at other times in the year diverting himself' at Swallowfield, Cornbury, and Oxford. Early in 1690 King William, specially irritated by reports that Clarendon had represented him as averse to the interests of the church (BURNET, iv. 51), informed Rochester that but for the queen's sake he would have excepted him, on account of Clarendon's cabals, from the act of grace (Diary and Correspondence, ii. 314). Not long afterwards these suspicions took a more definite shape. He was in frequent intercourse with Richard Graham, lord Preston [q. v.], who was plotting in behalf of James (b. pp. 306-7). On 24 June, by the express direction of Queen Mary, who wrote to the absent king that she was sorrier than it may well be believed' for her uncle, he was placed under arrest, and on the following day lodged in the Tower (ib. pp. 319-20; cf. EVELYN, Diary, iii. 88; for Queen Mary's letter see DALRYMPLE, iii. 75; see MACAULAY, chap. xv.) Here he remained, under not specially considerate treatment, although his wife bore him company for a time, till 15 Aug. (Diary and Correspondence, ii. 320-9). After his liberation the threads of the conspiracy, the nucleus of which seems to have consisted entirely of protestants, were resumed. When Lord Preston, 31 Dec. 1690, was, on his way to St. Germains, arrested in the Thames, the letters found upon him included one from Clarendon to King James, expressing a hope that the 'marriage' he had been negotiating would soon come off,' and adding: Your relations have been very hard on me this last summer. Yet, as soon as I could go safely abroad, I pursued the business' (MACAULAY, iii. 724-5, and see note ib. as to the genuineness of these letters). Preston afterwards named Clarendon among his accomplices, and reaffirmed this statement before King William (ib. iv. 21; cf. CLARKE, Life of James II, ii. 443). Clarendon, who (4 Jan. 1691), after being examined before the cabinet council, had been once more consigned to the Tower, remained there for several months. His wife was once more his com

panion during part of his confinement, and, as on the previous occasion, he was visited by Rochester, Lord Cornbury, and Evelyn. In July he was allowed to go for air into the country under care of his warder; and his release on bail soon followed (THOMAS BURNET's Life of Burnet, vi. 299-301).

The remainder of Clarendon's life was passed in tranquillity at his residences in the country. Cornbury was in 1694, owing to his pecuniary difficulties, denuded of many of the pictures collected by his father, and of at least a great part of its library; and in 1697, or shortly before, was sold by Clarendon to Rochester, though to spare his pride the sale was kept a secret till his death LEWIS, i.*43-*47). Of the publication (1702– 1704) of the first edition, in three volumes, of the History of the Rebellion' by its author's sons, the chief credit belongs to Rochester [q. v.]; but Clarendon took a great interest in the work (ib. i. *84). In 1704 he presented Evelyn with the three printed volumes (EVELYN, Diary, iii. 169).

Clarendon died on 31 Oct. 1709. He has no pretensions to eminence as a statesman; but it is unnecessary to follow Macaulay in concluding private interest to have been the primary motive of his public conduct, or to accept all the cavils of Burnet (i. 472-3) against a man whom he evidently hated. Á church of England tory of a narrow type, he was genuinely trusted by the great interest with which, on both sides of St. George's Channel, inherited sentiment and personal conviction identified him. At the time of the catastrophe of King James, he probably drifted further in opposition than he had intended; but there is no proof that he set great hopes for his own future upon the new government, and then became a conspirator through disappointment. In his 'Diary (16871690) and Correspondence,' which, with the letters of his younger brother Rochester, first appeared in 1828, he appears as a respectable man, devoid neither of principle nor of prejudice, without any striking capacity for the management of affairs of state, and with none at all for the management of his own, at times querulous, and occasionally, as was natural in the friend of so many bishops, rather unctuous in tone. In Macky's 'Characters' he is said to have 'wit, but affectation.' Of his literary tastes his correspondence with Evelyn furnishes some illustrations; he had a remarkably fine collection of medals (EVELYN, iii. 443), and was author of the History and Antiquities of the Cathedral Church at Winchester, continued by Samuel Gale,' London, 1715, 8vo (LEWIS, iii. 378). Lely's portrait of Clarendon (when Lord Cornbury) and of

his first wife Theodosia, at the Grove, Watford, is described (ib.) as one of this painter's best pictures.

His son Edward (1661-1724), who succeeded as third earl of Clarendon, was, while Lord Cornbury, M.P. for Wiltshire (1685-95), and for Christchurch (1695-1701); was captain-general and governor-in-chief of New York and New Jersey (1701-8); was made privy councillor 13 Dec. 1711, and was envoy extraordinary to Hanover in 1714. He was married and had a son who predeceased him in 1713, and two daughters.

[For authorities see HYDE, LAURENCE, EARL OF ROCHESTER.]

A. W. W. HYDE, HENRY, VISCOUNT CORNBURY, and afterwards LORD HYDE in his own right (1710-1753), was the eldest son of Henry Hyde, fourth and last earl of Clarendon and second and last earl of Rochester of the Hyde family, and his wife Jane [q. v.] His grandfather was Laurence, first earl of Rochester [q.v.] Born in November 1710, he was offered, on his return from a continental tour early in 1732, a very handsome 'pension, which had been obtained for him through his brother-inlaw, the Earl of Essex, but which he refused with the words: How could you tell that I was to be sold? or, at least, how could you know my price so exactly?' (Spence in POPE'S Works, iii. 322; cf. Imitations of Horace, bk. i. ep. vi. 1. 61). In 1732 Lord Cornbury was chosen M.P. for the university of Oxford, on account partly of his high character and attainments, partly of his Jacobite leanings. Though Bowles's description of him as a nonjuror (POPE, Works, ix. 331 n.) is, of course, absurd, he was suspected of dealings with the Pretender during his travels abroad (ib. iii. 322 n.); hence Mr. Elwin's characteristic description of him as a 'perjured traitor' (ib. vii. 261 n.) His sympathies were undoubtedly with the high tory party, and with the political notions at that time fostered by Bolingbroke. But he held aloof from the factious attempt of the opposition in the session of 1740-1 to upset Sir Robert Walpole (cf. his speech, 13 Feb. 1741, summarised in COXE's Walpole, ed. 1816, iv. 179-81). He is almost certainly the 'Cof Pope's satire,' 1740,' who 'hopes and candidly sits still' (see POPE, Works, ed. Elwin and Courthope, iii. 495 n., x. 163). Re-elected to the parliament which met in December 1741, and which speedily saw the downfall of Walpole, he remained in opposition, and was one of the small minority which, 19 Dec. 1745, declined at the very crisis of the rebellion to join in a vote of thanks to the king for ordering six thousand Hessians into Scotland (Letters of Horace Walpole, i. 412-13). In

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1747 he was once more returned to the House of Commons, but quitted it in 1750 on being called up to the lords as Baron Hyde.

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Much of his time in these years seems to have been spent abroad-at Spa, whither he went for his health in 1738 and 1740 (POPE, Works, ix. 176, x. 256), and in France, to which he paid repeated visits in his last years, taking much interest in its affairs. At home he resided chiefly at Cornbury, and at his London house by Oxford Chapel,' at both of which places Pope was his guest (ib. ix. 142-3, 157, x. 237). In 1735 he had addressed to the poet a set of verses concerning his authorship of the Essay on Man,' which were printed by Pope in 1739 in a new edition of the volume of his 'Works' containing the Essay' (cf. ib. viii. 372, 374; cf. LADY MARY WORTLEY MONTAGU, Works, ii. 237-8). But the friendship of Bolingbroke, who returned finally to England in 1743, a year before Pope's death, was probably the chief intellectual interest of Cornbury's life. As early as 1735, Bolingbroke, on becoming once more an 'exile,' had addressed to him, from Chanteloup in Touraine, his 'Letters on the Study and Use of History.' Soon afterwards he wrote the letter "On the Spirit of Patriotism' (not published till 1749), which, according to Horace Walpole (Letters, ii. 158), was first addressed to Lord Cornbury (see, however, MACKNIGHT, p. 630). In 1746 Bolingbroke was at Cornbury, surrounded by his favourite younger politicians (b. p. 673). When, on Bolingbroke's death (December 1751), Lord Hyde learnt that his philosopher and friend had left Mallet his literary executor, he eagerly intervened to prevent the publication of that portion of the Letters on the Study of History' which dealt in a spirit of free criticism with the question of the authenticity of Old Testament history. Mallet declined to bow to authority, and there followed an elaborate correspondence, which was published (ib. pp. 694–7; cf. LORD CORNBURY, Letter to David Mallet, Esq., on the intended publication of Lord Bolingbroke's MSS.)

Cornbury, who had remained unmarried, was killed by a fall from his horse at Paris, 26 April 1753, about eight months before the death of his father. Lady Mary Wortley Montagu condescended to lament his death as untimely: 'He had certainly a very good heart; I have often thought it great pity it was not under direction of a better head.' At the same time she naturally, in connection with his will, which contained no legacy to his sister, the Duchess of Queensberry, revived an ancient scandal against his mother (Letters and Works of Lady Mary

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Wortley Montagu, ed. Lord Wharncliffe, ii. 237-8). Lord Cornbury was clearly a man of conversational ability and wit (cf. Letters of Horace Walpole, ii. 88, 236), as well as of character, and not undeserving of the praises lavished on him by the wits, from Thomson (Seasons: Summer, ed. Bell, ii. 108), Pope, and Swift to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams and Horace Walpole. In addition to the pieces already mentioned, he wrote a few pamphlets, including one entitled 'Common Sense, or the Englishman's Journal' (1737), and a comedy called by Genest (iv. 44) sensible, but dull,' 'The Mistakes, or the Happy Resentment,' printed by subscription in 1758 for the benefit of the actress Mrs. Porter, with a little preface by Horace Walpole' (see his Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors, ed. 1759, ii. 150). He was buried in Westminster Abbey.

[Pope's Works, ed. Elwin and Courthope, 1871-89; Letters of Horace Walpole, ed. Cunningham, 1886; Macknight's Life of Bolingbroke, 1863; Lady Theresa Lewis's Descriptive Catalogue of the Portraits at the Grove, in Lives of Friends and Contemporaries of Lord Chancellor Clarendon illustrative of Portraits in his Gallery, 1852, iii. 422–3.]

A. W. W. HYDE, JANE, COUNTESS OF CLARENDON AND ROCHESTER (d. 1725), was one of the two daughters of Sir William Leveson-Gower, bart., and his wife the daughter of John Granville, earl of Bath. Though her father was a whig (he had been one of Monmouth's bail in 1683; see COLLINS, Peerage of England, 5th ed. v. 141), she was married, 3 March 1693, to Henry, lord Hyde, eldest son of Laurence Hyde, first earl of Rochester [q. v.] Her husband's career was undistinguished; for a time he was joint vice-treasurer for Ireland, and he enjoyed a pension of 4,0007. a year on the post office, conferred in 1687 for ninety-nine years upon his father and himself (Ellis Correspondence, i. 212). In 1711 he succeeded to the earldom of Rochester, and in 1724 to that of Clarendon, both of which titles became extinct by his death on 10 Dec. 1753. At the time of their marriage Lord and Lady Hyde were described as a singularly fine couple (Correspondence of Clarendon and Rochester, ii. 341), and among their eight children, two daughters became in time top toasts' for their beauty, viz. Jane, afterwards Countess of Essex (see SWIFT, Journal to Stella, 18 July 1711, 29 Jan. 1712), and Catherine, celebrated as Duchess of Queensberry [see under DOUGLAS, CHARLES, third DUKE OF QUEENSBERRY]. But even they were considered inferior in beauty to what their mother had been before them. Accordingly, she was complimented in verse both by her kinsman, George Granville, lord

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Hyde

Lansdowne, and by Prior, who extolled her as Myra in 'The Judgment of Venus;' while Swift condescended to call her his mistress,' and Pope tried to make Martha Blount jealous by praising her beauty (Works, ed. Elwin and Courthope, vii. 188, ix. 277 n.) She paid the penalty of fame in the scandalous aspersions which, many years after her death, are cast upon her conjugal fidelity by the venomous tongue of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (Letters and Works, ed. Lord Wharncliffe, ii. 274. ii. 274.

Swift seems to allude to the scandal in the letter cited above). She died on 24 May 1725. Her husband survived her till 10 Dec. 1753. Her portrait was painted by Kneller and Dahl. There are two portraits by the latter in the Clarendon gallery at the Grove, Watford.

[Lady Theresa Lewis's Descriptive Catalogue of the Portraits at the Grove, in Lives of Friends. and Contemporaries of Lord Chancellor Clarendon illustrative of Portraits in his Gallery, 1852, iii. 412-15; Doyle's Official Baronage of England, i. 406.] A. W. W.

HYDE, LAURENCE, EARL OF ROCHESTER (1641-1711), second son of Edward Hyde, first earl of Clarendon [q. v.], and of his second wife, was born in March 1641. On the return of the family to England at the Restoration, Laurence entered parliament as member for Newport in Cornwall, but from April 1661 to the dissolution in July 1679 sat as representative of the university of Oxford. In October 1661 he took part in an embassy to congratulate Louis XIV on the birth of a dauphin, and from May 1662 till 1675 was master of the robes. În 1665 he married Lady Harrietta, daughter of Richard Boyle, first earl of Burlington [q. v.], who proved herself a devoted though perhaps not a discreet wife. Hyde, who with his elder brother Henry (1638-1709) [q. v.] warmly defended their father on his impeachment (1667), afterwards described himself as having been much exposed to his own free choice and direction for seven years by his father's banishment and his mother's death,' and as having been absolutely left to it' after his father's death (9 Dec. 1674). The unfinished 'Meditations,' composed by him on the first anniversary of that event (printed in Diary and Correspondence, i. Appendix, 645-50), prove his anxiety for his father's fame, which he pretends to have to some extent jeopardised by advising him to quit England. He adds that during the seven years of his father's exile he attended him but twice, spending with him not more than five weeks in all (cf. PEPYS, v. 100).

In June 1676 Hyde was named ambassador extraordinary to John III (Sobieski),

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