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the legislature should out-balance another.
Thus do we observe, from experience, that
whatever be their derangement in a tem-
porary convulsion of the state, they are sure
to return, with peace and order, to their an-
cient level. And as in nature, the serene sun-
shine, which immediately succeeds a storm,
adds peculiar lustre to the objects, which it
irradiates, so most disturbances in our state
have terminated in adding light and vigo
our constitutional rights and liberties. This
is the halcyon view of our political constitu-
tion, which Dr. Kippis represents immedi-
ately after the revolution of 1688: * " To
be favoured with a form of government, of of our conttu-
which liberty is the basis, is the greatest of Kippis.
all temporal blessings; and the nations, on
which so nobļe a gift has been bestowed, ap-
pear with peculiar glory in the history of the
world. It has been the happiness of Britain
to poffefs this benefit in a high degree of
perfection. The system of our government
is not singly a democracy, an aristocracy, or
a monarchy; but an excellent composition
of the three. It adopts the advantages of
these several schemes, and rejects their incon-
veniencies; it assumes the equality of a de-
* Dr. Kippis's Sermon preached at the Old Jewry on che 4th of Nov. 1788, p. 24, 25,
mocracy, without its confusion; the wisdom
and moderation of an aristocracy, in some
respects, without its severity in others; and
the vigour of a monarchy without its ty.
ranny; and it admirably provides for the dif.
tinct exercise of the judicial authority. Hence,
it presents a plan of power, which produces
more true freedom, than perhaps has yet
been enjoyed by any community, in any pe.
The rights, which attended this donation
or investiture of power, I shall endeavour
more particularly to illustrate, when I se-
parately consider each branch of the legif-
lature. I shall first, however, beg leave
to premise some leading observations, con.
cerning the revolution and its principles and
effects. As a member of the contented ma-
jority of this community or nation, I must
from henceforth view and consider the su,
preme legislative power completelyvested
in our parliament ; and in them am I to seek
the unalienable rights of the people, whom
The right of they completely represent; for in them the
to alter the go. sovereignty of power to alter, change, amend,
and improve the constitution and govern.
ment of the community indefeasibly resides.
Whatever mental objections I may conceive
against the truth of this proposition, as a
member of the community I am bounden, un
der the penalties of high treason (and the
community have a right to bind me) to keep
my opinion to myself: * “ if any person High treason to
shall, by writing or printing, maintain and
affirm, that the kings or queens of this realm,
with and by the authority of parliament, are
not able to make laws and statutes of fufli.
cient validity to limit the crown, and the
descent, inheritance, and government thereof,
every such person shall be guilty of high
treason.” This act is as coercive upon me
at this moment, as it was binding upon all
my predeceffors, who were living at the time
of its passing into a law. The act neither
gives nor declares any new rights, but em-
phatically imports such a reverential and at.
ful conviction, that the supreme or fovereign
right and power of forming and changing our
government, ever did and ever must reside
in the people, that makes it treasonable (not
to think) but to express a thought to the con-
OF THE REVOLUTION, AND OF ITS PRINCIPLES
HE avowal of the principles, which
I have already endeavoured to establifh, induces the mortifying necessity of arguing upon the revolution, in a manner different from that great personage, whose talents and virtues are the ornament and glory of the present age :
* “ They threw a politic well wrought veil over every circumstance tending to weaken the rights, which, in the meliorated order of succession, they meant to perpetuate, or which might furnish a precedent for
any future departure from what they had then settled for ever.” No won. der that the malcontents of the present day, when not permitted to attribute effects to their real causes, should fly into any extra.
vagancy, which can be proposed to them. Mischief of de- Unlimited is the mischief of not avowing, or
of denying or dissembling true principles. I prizaciples. neither see the policy, nor admit of the ne
#ying or dirsembling true
* Mr. Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, p. 25.
cessity of putting extreme cases to elucidate
the truth of our constitutional doctrine ; but,
though I make the largest allowances for
the indelicacy, the indiscretion, the impru-
dence, the insolence, or the malice of this
practice, still do I see less evil in the con-
fequences, than in one attempt to deny or
difsemble the truth of the first principles of
Since this nation or community has de- Ads of parliaposed its sovereign power with parliamentary ads of the peo
ple of England. deputies or representatives, there can be no act of parliament, which is not the act of the people of England ; nor can there be an act of the people of England, which is not an act of the parliament of England; whatever, therefore, may be said of the one, may also with strictnefs be faid of the other. If therefore this fense and meaning be properly attended to, little offence, or even displeasure, can be taken at most of the propo. sitions, that have been lately hazarded by the different leaders and fomenters of the discontented minority. Thus, if we come truly and impartially to consider the three rights, which Dr. Price reminded his audience, at the Old Jewry, were gained by the revolution, we shall find nothing false in his
politicotheologic affertion, but that we gained