the legislature fhould out-balance another. Thus do we obferve, from experience, that whatever be their derangement in a tem porary convulfion of the ftate, they are fure to return, with peace and order, to their ancient level. And as in nature, the ferene funshine, which immediately fucceeds a ftorm, adds peculiar luftre to the objects, which it irradiates, so most disturbances in our state have terminated in adding light and vigour to our constitutional rights and liberties. This is the halcyon view of our political conftitution, which Dr. Kippis represents immediately after the revolution of 1688: "To Pleafing view be favoured with a form of government, of of our confiatuwhich liberty is the bafis, is the greatest of Kippis. all temporal bleffings; and the nations, on which fo noble a gift has been bestowed, appear with peculiar glory in the hiftory of the world. It has been the happiness of Britain to poffefs this benefit in a high degree of perfection. The fyftem of our government is not fingly a democracy, an aristocracy, or a monarchy; but an excellent compofition of the three. It adopts the advantages of these several schemes, and rejects their inconveniencies; it affumes the equality of a de

* Dr. Kippis's Sermon preached at the Old Jewry on the 4th of Nov. 1788, p. 24, 25.

mocracy,

tion, by Dr.

mocracy, without its confufion; the wifdom and moderation of an aristocracy, in fome respects, without its feverity in others; and the vigour of a monarchy without its tyranny ; and it admirably provides for the dif tinct exercise of the judicial authority. Hence, it presents a plan of power, which produces more true freedom, than perhaps has yet been enjoyed by any community, in any pe

riod."

The rights, which attended this donation or inveftiture of power, I fhall endeavour more particularly to illuftrate, when I feparately confider each branch of the legiflature. I fhall firft, however, beg leave to premife fome leading obfervations, con cerning the revolution and its principles and effects. As a member of the contented majority of this community or nation, I muft from henceforth view and confider the fu preme legislative power completely vested in our parliament; and in them am I to feek the unalienable rights of the people, whom they completely reprefent; for in them the to alter the go- fovereignty of power to alter, change, amend, and improve the conftitution and govern. ment of the community indefeasibly refides. Whatever mental objections I may conceive against the truth of this propofition, as a

The right of the legiflature

vernment.

member

member of the community I am bounden, un
der the penalties of high treafon (and the
community have a right to bind me) to keep

deny it.

my opinion to myself: *" if any perfon High treafon to
fhall, by writing or printing, maintain and
affirm, that the kings or queens of this realm,

with and by the authority of parliament, are
not able to make laws and ftatutes of fuffi-
cient validity to limit the crown, and the
descent, inheritance, and government thereof,
every fuch perfon fhall be guilty of high
treafon." This act is as coercive upon me
at this moment, as it was binding upon all
my predeceffors, who were living at the time.
of its paffing into a law. The act neither
gives nor declares any new rights, but em-
phatically imports fuch a reverential and aw-
ful conviction, that the fupreme or fovereign
right and power of forming and changing our
government, ever did and ever muft refide
in the people, that makes it treasonable (not
to think) but to exprefs a thought to the con-
trary.

4th Ann, c. viii, and 6th Ann, c. vii.

CHAP.

CHAP. VIII.

OF THE REVOLUTION, AND OF ITS PRINCIPLES

T

AND EFFECTS:

HE avowal of the principles, which

I have already endeavoured to establifh, induces the mortifying neceffity of arguing upon the revolution, in a manner different from that great perfonage, whofe talents and virtues are the ornament and glory of the prefent age: "They threw a politic well wrought veil over every circumstance. tending to weaken the rights, which, in the meliorated order of fucceffion, they meant to perpetuate, or which might furnish a precedent for any future departure from what they had then fettled for ever." No won der that the malcontents of the present day, when not permitted to attribute effects to their real causes, fhould fly into any extra. vagancy, which can be propofed to them. Mischief of de- Unlimited is the mischief of not avowing, or of denying or diffembling true principles. I neither fee the policy, nor admit of the ne

nying or diffembling true principles.

* Mr. Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, P. 25.

ceffity

ceffity of putting extreme cafes to elucidate
the truth of our conftitutional doctrine; but,
though I make the largest allowances for
the indelicacy, the indifcretion, the impru-
dence, the infolence, or the malice of this
practice, ftill do I fee less evil in the con-
fequences, than in one attempt to deny or
diffemble the truth of the firft principles of

civil government.

no

ment the only

ads of the people of England.

Since this nation or community has de- Acts of parlia pofed its fovereign power with parliamentary deputies or reprefentatives, there can be act of parliament, which is not the act of the people of England; nor can there be an act of the people of England, which is not an act of the parliament of England; whatever, therefore, may be faid of the one, may alfo with ftrictnefs be faid of the other. If therefore this fenfe and meaning be properly attended to, little offence, or even difpleasure, can be taken at most of the propofitions, that have been lately hazarded by the 7 different leaders and fomenters of the difcontented minority. Thus, if we come truly. and impartially to confider the three rights, which Dr. Price reminded his audience, at the Old Jewry, were gained by the revolution, we fhall find nothing falfe in his politicotheologic affertion, but that we gained

them