principles of the suspended laws of equity, warrant our author in giving his full ap. probation of the measures of the present administration against Denmark. As that fortunate, but constrained event, has terminated successfully, I shall here insert the author's sentiments, which are, in every respect, congenial with those we have repeatedly advanced in the course of our preceding numbers; and which will suffice to recommend his able pamphlet more immediately to the perusal of my readers.

"The well-concerted expedition against the Danes, which has had so brilliant a ter mination, certainly augurs well. The whole conduct and execution of this important affair have been truly illustrative of the virtues of the British character. Throughout the operations both of our army and our fleet, generosity accompanied firmness, and courage was tempered by humanity. Nothing was done but what was absolutely necessary for the attainment of our object; nor was a shot fired till every effort at negociation had failed. Nor was the moment of victory sullied by any of those excesses which are so frequently committed by an elated soldiery. The severest discipline was in all quarters maintained. Persons and property were equally respected. Even the feelings of the inhabitants were spared, and the exultation of success gave way to the esteem which was due to their bravery, and the compassion which was excited by their misfortunes. What a contrast to the capture of a besieged town by the French army! The seizure of the Danish marine is a masterly stroke of political sagacity. Indeed, the entire transaction reflects infinite credit on the present administration. Compared with the pitiful or disastrous schemes of their predecessors, it cannot fail to establish their reputation on the broad basis of public opinion. The preparations were made with a celerity and a secrecy, such as, of late years, have not very frequently characterised the measures of our cabinet, and, what was of still greater moment, the force dispatched was adequate to the accomplishment of the object in view. It was a coherent and consistent plan, well digested and organized throughout, and which has been no less admirable in its execution than in its conception. It has given proofs of a degree of vigour worthy of the powerful means with which this country is blessed, and has evinced a determination to depart from those creeping maxims, and to burst asunder those oppressive chains, by which our best energies have for so long a time been shackles It has also regenerated for us a character as politicians, which the late administration had suffered to fall into utter contempt; and whilst Europe was imagining that we were crouching under the superiority of Buonaparte's genius, and were rendered incapable of any important enterprise, it has exposed the fallacy of their expectations, and has taught them that we have still sense left to contrive, courage to attempt, and power to accomplish.

"A great outcry has nevertheless been raised by a particular set of men against the immorality of these proceedings. But it is natural, that those who would destroy us by their inactivity, should loudly carp at what is now the only policy left to reinstate our affairs. It is in them a perfectly consistent conduct. What their mismanagement would lose, they regret to see secured by the energy and skill of their rivals. It is a fatal blow to their political fame, and must remove to the vanishing point of perspective, all rational hopes of a return to power. We are thus asked a whole string of questions, such as what right had we to invade a neutral state; to molest a friendly power; to depart from the law of nations," with a multitude of others equally significant and pertinent. My answer to all these interrogatories, and I mean it to apply to whatever else of a similar nature we may think fit to do, is this: That our interest, and by interest I mean, in this instance, that definition of it, which amounts to necessity, required such a proceeding. Independently of this, which however I do not intend to advance as having influenced the motive, or induced the act, the Danes will ultimately be gainers. It is however a satisfactory coincidence in their favour. As they must have fallen either to Britain or to France, there can be no question which will prove the mildest and most generous master. France invades to destroy; we invade to avert that destruction. When France conquers, she sternly places every thing at the mercy of the sword; when we conquer, the justice and benignity of our domestic laws equally protect the persons and the property of those, whom the fortune of war has placed at our disposal. Wherever French power pe» netrates, all the horrors of private pillage and public confiscation, of insult and op pression, of every denomination, are dealt forth with unrelenting austerity: wherever

British power interposes, it faithfully upholds the sanctity of religion,, the authority of jurisdiction, and preserves, with inviolable honour, every claim of private property, and of personal freedom. By our invasion of Denmark, we have secured the prize which the French chiefly coveted; and, by thus removing the principal motive for their attack, have probably averred the frightful outrages of their subjugation. By taking possession of the Danish fleet, we have prevented it from falling into the hands of a power already too strong, and who would only have employed it as an additional means to tyrannise over mankind. In the hands of France it would have been forfeited for ever; in our hands, it may possibly, at some future period, be restored."

OF THE BENEVOLENT INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WELLESLEY. Having already shewn that the acquisition of territory, which this nobleman made for his country, was sanctioned by justice, and necessary for self-preservation, there is leisure for turning, with increased admiration, to other of his deeds, wherein we shall perceive that he could, when immediate dangers gave more than sufficient avocation, even for extraordinary minds, lay the foundations for securing, in all times, a virtuous administration of our affairs in India.

There was published, some time since, a volume of official papers, under the title of The College of Fort-William, in Bengal," which places literature under obligations to the noble marquis, even as great as those of the politician.

To the statesman, if he be a man of genius, a framer of meliorating, and discreet regulations, this work is a school, and a model.

If he be a mere office-man, the excellence of its execution, and detail, will, to him, be a most useful lesson and precedent.

To the man who delights in argument, and that course of reasoning which traces, through the whole subject, from its first principles, to its minutest particularities, it will be a mental feast.

The delighter in style, and merely literary man, may find in it a poignant gratifi

cation.

The following sketch is indeed imperfect; but it may form an index for those who already have the work; and may give some idea of the heads of its contents, to those who have it not.

It commences with a minute of council, transmitted to the India directors, containing lord Wellesley's reasons for thinking a college necessary in India: principally because the administration of the government of the various nations, which compose our possessions in India, is principally confined to the civil servants of the India Company, (p. 1) some of whom dispense justice over a greater extent of country and population, than belongs to any jurisdiction in Europe. (p. 2) The codes are numerous, the laws very complex, and these persons must frequently superadd to their administration of these laws of various nations, the office of governor, of military director, and of ambassador, for all which qualifications, exceeding the result of an English commercial education, must be requisite; yet, of so much importance is a man of this education in India, that on his saill, intelligence, and probity, depends the welfare of whole provinces. (p. 5, 6) In page 16, he shews, that having become a regular government now, it must not, as formerly, depend on casual talents.

There are college rules, to prevent the extravagance usual with young men in India, and to prevent their getting into debt: and their future fortunes are made de pendant upon their conduct whilst in college; Thus," he says, in p. 35, “tá every inducement, which any collegiate institution in the world can supply, for the encouragement of diligence, will be added, the immediate view of official promotion, increase of fortune, and distinction in the public service."

An account of the public discussions of the students, at the end of the first year, in a variety of oriental languages, is given; which is followed by a letter from lon Wellesley to the court of directors, in consequence of an order that the colleg should be abolished!

In this letter, he describes how the morals of the young men had been tainted, in that climate, when they had merely attended a seminary, without collegiate control; and, commenting upon the order that students are not to come from the other settle ments to Bengal, but that they are to have distinct seminaries, he goes into a demons

stration, that these regulations will far exceed the expence of a single college. (p. 86) He then points out the astonishing progress already made by the students, exceeding the most sanguine hopes; and the high emulation, and correction of morals, which it has already created. (p. 87 to 90) He expatiates upon the peculiar advantages derived from having but one college, fixed at Calcutta, for the whole of India; because, there alone, many of the languages can be taught, and thus, alone, the advantages, which have already been obtained from emulation, can be continued; because it enables young men, of all the presidencies, to come in alike for promotion, and kills the jealousies, hitherto existing, between the servants of the different settlements, respectively. (p. 91 to 97)

In p. 103, are mentioned the very great number of works in the numerous languages of the east, which have been published by the college, and the disadvantage which would ensue if the learned natives, who have assisted at the college, should be driven forth to the extremities of Asia, to report, in their respective countries, the failure of this scheme, which had raised us so much in the esteem of that quarter of the globe.

:

Then follow descriptions of further public discussions, in the different Asiatic languages, and an account of the degrees and rewards, accorded with the strictest impartiality to the parents and friends of the students, all this must give the highest gratification. The statutes of the college are also introduced, in which are interesting rules relating to discipline, religious exercises, morals, and preclusion of expensive habits among the students, provision being fully made, that the young men shall not go into the midst of the unconverted natives, with their minds unimbued with christian principles.

Lord Wellesley, in his address to the college, (p. 137) says, "The principal purpose, in founding this institution, was to secure the junior servants of the company from all undue influence in the ischarge of their official functione, and to introduce them into the public service in perfect freedon and independence; exempt from every restraint, excepting the high and sacred obligations of their civil, moral, and religious duty. The high character of the East India Company, the fame and glory of our country, in this remote region, demand from you a correct observance of all those rules which have been framed for the purpose of securing you against the evils of ignorance, indolence, and extravagance; and of qualifying you in knowledge, in freedom, in virtue, and honour, to administer, to these populous and opulent provinces, the blessings of a just, an honest, a British government.

In recommending the study of the general principles of jurisprudence, he says, "The due administration of just laws within these flourishing and populous provinces, is not only the foundation of the happiness of millions of people, but the main pillar of the vast fabric of the British empire in Asia." (p. 152) And, speaking of the effect of a late collection of laws in India, he says, "The excellence of the general spirit of these laws, is attested by the noblest proof,-just, wise, and honest government; by the restoration of happiness, tranquillity, and security, to an oppressed and suffering people; and by the revival of agriculture, commerce, manufacture, and general opulence, in a declining and impoverished country." (p. 153) In a review of the first four years of the college, he observes, "It may be doubted, whether such a rapid diffusion of learning, in different languages, from the same source, and in so short a time, had been ever equalled in any age or country. Boys, in the lowest classes, are better skilled in the Persian, Arabic, Hindoostanee, and Bengalee languages, than some of the company's old servants, who have been twenty years in the country."

In p. 157, is a description of the manner in which peculation and oppression formerly grew up in India: "Under the old system the civil service was overwhelmed with debt, Young men were, on their arrival, committed to the charge of a banian, or native agent, who lent them money on bond, and who considered it as his office to minister to their gratifications. The money thus borrowed, gradually accumulated at an interest of twelve per cent. to a sum which they had no prospect of being able to pay until they should have obtained the highest situations in the service. A worse consequence ensued; the black creditor followed his master wherever he went; and, as the latter knew but little of the native languages, and could not examiné his own ac

counts in them, it frequently happened, that the banian managed his concerns as he pleased; filled the offices in his department, appointed the servants about his person, and held his master's honour under his entire control. But, at the present time, a bond debt is rarely heard of. No money-lender, European or native, dare confess his holding the bond of a student in college. The native banians curse the college, and with reason, for it prevents the junior civil servants from borrowing money, while preparing for the service; and it teaches them to keep their own accounts, and to transact business with the natives, in their own language, after they have entered the service. By a calculation, on the premises, it will be found, that five hundred thousand rupees are now in the chests of black men; which, had not the college been established, would, by this time, have been lent to the junior civil servants of the last four years; and, after the lapse of fourteen years, would have amounted to a sum which they could never pay. The youth in college can scarcely credit the accounts they sometimes hear of the system of extravagance which prevailed in former times. It is supposed that there are old servants of the company, now at home, whose individual debts, at one period, in this country, amounted to more than all the debts in college. Neglect of study, is cause sufficient, at the college of Fort-William, to expel a student. He must be an entire stranger to what is passing in Bengal, who does not perceive that the college of Fort-William is sensibly promoting a melioration of the European character, as well as the civilization of India. (p. 159 to 163)

In p. 172, is a translation of an admirable address to the students, by the Shanscrit professor. He says, "Thousands of the learned, in distant nations, will excel in this triumph of literature; what a singular exhibition has been this day presented to us! In the presense of the supreme governor of India, and of its most learned and illus trious characters, Asiatic and European, an assembly is convened, in which no word of vill native tugu is spoken, but public uiscourse is maintained, on interesting subjects, in the languages of Asia. The colloquial Hindoostanee, the classic Persian, the commercial Bengalee, the learned Arabic, and the primeval Shanscrit, are spoken fluently, after having been studied grammatically, by English youth. Did ever any university in Europe, or any literary institution in any other age or country, exhibit a scene so interesting as this? And, what are the circumstances of these youth? They are not students who prosecute a dead language, with uncertain purpose, impelled only by natural genius or love of fame. But, having been appointed to the important offices of administering the government of the country in which these languages are spoken, they apply their acquisitions, immediately, to useful purposes; in distribut ing justice to the inhabitants, in transacting the business of the state, revenual and com mercial, and in maintaining official intercourse with the people, in their own tongue, and not, as hitherto, by means of an interpreter. The acquisitions of our students may be appreciated, by their affording to the suppliant native immediate access to his principal." (p. 172, 3.]

"The acquisitions of our students are appreciated at this moment by those learned Asiatics, now present in this assembly, some of them strangers, from distant provinces, who wonder every man to hear, in his own tongue, important subjects discussed, and new and noble principles asserted by the youth of a foreign land. I, now an old man, have lived for a long series of years among the Hindoos. I have been in the habit of discoursing with the Brahmins on every subject, and of superintending schools for the instruction of the Hindoo youth. Their language is nearly as familiar to me as my own. I may say, indeed, that their manners, customs, habits, and sentiments, are as obvious to me, as if I was myself a native. And knowing them, and hearing, as I do, their daily observations on our government, character, and principles, I am warranted to say, (and I deem it my duty to embrace the public opportu nity now afforded me of saying it,) that the institution of this college was wanting to complete the happiness of the natives under our dominion; for this institution will break down that barrier, (our ignorance of their language,) which has ever opposed the influ ence of our laws and principles, and has despoiled our administration of its energy effect. Where the institution to cease from this moment, its salutary effects would yet remain. Good has been done, which cannot be undone. Sources of useful knowledge, moral instruction, and political utility, have been opened to the natives of India, which can never be closed. One hundred original volumes in the oriental

and

languages and literature, will preserve for ever, in Asia, the name of the founder of this institution. Nor are the examples frequent, of a renown, possessing such utility for its basis, or pervading such a vast portion of the habitable globe. My lord, you have raised a monument of fame, which no length of time, or reverse of fortune, is able to destroy; not chiefly because it is inscribed with Mahratta and Mysore, with the trophies of war, and the emblems of victory; but because there are inscribed on it the names of those learned youth, who have obtained degrees of honour for high proficiency in the oriental tongue. These youth will extend the domain of British civilization, security, and happiness, by enlarging the bounds of oriental literature, and thereby diffusing the spirit of christian principles throughout the nations of Asia. These youth, at the moment of entering on the public service, enjoy the fame of possessing qualities, (rarely combined) constituting a reputation of threefold strength for public men,-genius, industry, and virtue. No revolution of opinion, or change of circumstances, can rob you of the solid glory derived from the humane, just, liberal, and magnanimous principles, which have been embodied by your administration." (p. 173 to 7.)

There are most convincing reasons given, why the college should be in India, and not here. It seems that even the great oriental scholar, sir Wm. Jones, was totally unintelligible to the natives, when he arrived in India.

But want of space prevents further quotation, except of the following passage from p.36. "This institution will be best appreciated by every affectionate parent in the hour of se→ paration from his child, destined to the public service in India. Let any parent (especially if he has himself passed through the company's service in India,) declare whether the prospect of this institution has aggravated or mitigated the solicitude of that painful hour, whether it has raised additional doubts and fears, or inspired a more lively hope, of the honourable and prosperous service, of the early and fortunate return, of his child."..

And this is the nobleman, the perspicuity and energy of whose administration left room but for one regret that they were not transferred for exertion to Europe, which, during the same period, so precisely stood in want of them: this is the statesman, who is presumptuously arraigned, by some demagogue, with sinister views, or a few distant, uninformed spectators, lodged in safety at their fire sides.

Let none presume to arraign who has not sagacity to perceive the necessity, before. they venture to pronounce judgment on his administration, for placing themselves in, and imagination enough mentally to transport themselves into, the situation and cir cumstances of danger in which the marquis acted.

Let the reader listen to the dictates, either of his heart or his understanding, and say whether this nobleman, capable of forming, and pledging himself to, such a system as the publication developes, can have failed, in any part of his administration, to make his conduct harmonize, according to the circumstances, with the highest tone of morals! He has little sensibility who, perusing the work itself, shall fail to breathe a prayer for a blessing on its author.

COURT MARTIAL, AT HALIFAX, IN NOVA SCOTIA.

Minutes of the Proceedings of a Court Martial, assembled and held on board his Majesty's ship Belleisle, in Halifax harbour, Nova Scotia, on Wednesday, August 26, 1807, to try Jenkin Ratford, of his Majesty's ship Halifax, for mutiny, desertion, and contempt, as set forth in a letter from her Commander. PRESENT, The Honourable Sir Alexander Cochrane, K. B. Rear-Admiral of the White, and Second Officer in the command at Halifax, President.

Francis Pickmore,

William Charles Fahie.

Edward Hawker,

CAPTAINS.

John Erskine Douglas,
Philip Beaver.
Nathaniel Day Cochrane.

Being all the captains of the rank of post at this place.-On the court assembling, at half past ten o'clock, the prisoner being brought forward, the evidence being called over, and audience admitted, read the order addressed to the president from the honourable George Cranfield Berkeley, vice-admiral of the white, and commander in chief at Halifax, Nova Scotia, &c. dated the 25th of August, and the president's order to the judge advocate to officiate as such; when the members, and judge advocate, were severally sworn, agreeable to act of parliament; and the fol lowing letter, containing the charges against the prisoner, read: