Page images
PDF
EPUB

1. Any connection or correspondence with the subjects of Great Britain, though carried on by the means of a third person or party, shall be punished with severe imprisonment: but if the said correspondence shall have been carried on immediately between our subjects and the enemies of the country, the former shall be punished with death.

" II. Further, the goods, the objects of the said commerce, shall be confiscated, if found; but if not forthcoming, the criminals shall pay the value of them,

III. Any person giving information of any such trade or commerce, shall, upon conviction of the parties accused, receive a reward from our royal treasury of from 50 to 100 rix-dollars for each offence, but which shall also be repaid by the party or parties convicted.

❝ IV. Over and above the reward specified in section III. the informer shall be entitled to half the value of the property confiscated.

"All persons whom this may concern are hereby called upon to take notice. "Given officially under our hand and seal, in our town and fortress of Rendsburg, October 30, 1807.

[blocks in formation]

Copy of a decree issued from the palace of San Lorenzo, Oct. 30.

« C. R.

God, who watches over his creatures, does not permit the consummation of atrocious deeds, when the intended victims are innocent.--Thus his omnipotence has saved me from the most unheard-of catastrophe.-My people, my subjects, all know my christianity and settled habits. They all love me; and I receive from all of them proofs of their veneration-such as the conduct of a parent calls for from his children. I lived persuaded of this felicity, and devoted to the repose of my family, when an unknown hand discovered the most atrocious and unheard-of conspiracy, which was carried on in my own palace, against my person.—My life, which has so often been in danger, was too long in the eyes of my successor, who, infatuated by prejudice, and alienated from every principle of christianity that my parental care and love had taught him, had entered into a project to dethrone me. Informed of this, I thought proper to inquire, personally, into the truth of the fact, and, surprising him in my room, I found, in his possession, the cypher of his correspondence, and of the instructions he had received from the vile conspirators. In consequence of this discovery, I immediately convoked the governor and council, in order that they might make the necessary inquiries; the result has been the detection of several malefactors; whose imprisonment I have ordered; as also the arrest of my son, at lis residence. This is an additional aggravation of the affliction I labour under; but, however painful to my feelings, it must be submitted to, as it is of the utmost importance to the suppression of such a conspiracy. At the same time that I direct the publication of this affair to my subjects, I cannot avoid expressing to them the regret by which I am agitated; but that regret will be alleviated by the demonstrations of their loyalty. You will take the proper measures to have this decree circulated in due ." CHARLES R.

form.

66

By command of his majesty, I transmit this decree to your excellency, in order that it may be duly promulgated.

[ocr errors]

Signed by the ministers, and addressed to all viceroys, &c."
MADRID, November 5.

This day the king addressed the following decree to the governor ad interim of the council of Castile

"The voice of nature unnerves the arm of vengeance; and when the offender's want of consideration pleads for pity, a father cannot refuse listening to his voice. My son has already declared the authors of that horrible plan which had been suggested by the evil-minded. He has laid open every thing in a legal form, and all is exactly consistent with those proofs that are required by the law in such cases. His confusion and repentance have dictated the remonstrances which he has addressed to me, and of which the following is the chief:

Sire and Father,-1 am guilty of failing in my duty to your majesty; I have failed in obedience to my father and king. I ought to do nothing without your majesty's consent; but I have been surprised. I have denounced the guilty, and beg your majesty to suffer your repentant son to kiss your feet.

St. Laurent, Nov. 5.'

'FERDINAND.

Madam and Mother, I sincerely repent of the great fault which I have committed against the king and queen, my father and mother! With the greatest submission I beg your pardon, as well as for my obstinacy in denying the truth the other night. For this cause, I heartily intreat your majesty to deign to interpose your mediation between my father and me, that he may condescend to suffer his repentant son to kiss his feet. FERDINAND.

St. Laurent, Nov. 5.'

"In consequence of these letters, and the intreaty of the queen, my well-beloved spouse, I forgive my son; and he shall recover my favour, as soon as his conduct shall give proofs of a real amendment in his proceedings. I ordain also, that the same judges who have heard this cause from the commencement, shall continue the process; and I allow them to conjoin others, as colleagues, if they shall find occasion. I enjoin them, as soon as it shall be finished, to submit to me their judgment, which shall be conformable to law, according to the magnitude of offences, and the quality of offenders. They ought to take for a basis, in reducing the heads of the accusation, the answers given by the prince to the interrogatories which he has undergone; they are copied and signed by his own hand, as well as the papers also in his writing, which were seized in his bureaus. The decision shall be communicated to my councils and to my tribunals, and be circulated among my subjects, in order that they may acknowledge my compassion and my justice, and may alleviate the affliction into which they were thrown by my first decree; for in that they saw the danger of their sovereign and their father, who loves them as his own children, and by whom he is beloved. (Signed) D. BARTHOLOME MUNOZ."

[ocr errors]

By the royal decree of the 30th of October, inserted in the circular letter, which is addressed to you the 31st of the same month, his majesty has deigned to make known to his council, that his august person, thanks to the assistance of God, has been delivered from the catastrophe which threatened it.

"On this subject the council has proposed to his majesty to allow it, as well as all the people and communities of the kingdom, to return thanks for this favour to the Omnipotent, by a solemn festival. His majesty having deigned to consent to the wish of his council, has resolved to give it immediate execution, and has determined to give the necessary orders for such a festival in the capital and its dependencies.

"This order of council, with a view to its due execution, is hereby communicated to you M. M. the archbishops, bishops, prelates, seculars, and regulars of the holy churches, desiring you to acknowledge to me the receipt of the present decree. "Madrid, Nov. 3, 1807" (Signed) "D. B. MUNOZ.

FROM THE MONITEUR.-POLITICS. Paris, Nov. 23.-The article we are about to submit to our readers has been published in Germany, where it has produced a very deep impression; it has been translated into French-and the translator has selected it from a variety of others, which the same sentiment has given rise to, as including, in a shorter compass, more facts and reasoning than the rest. He wishes only to have it remarked, with delicacy and decorum, what belongs to the character of the nation, that he has thought it his duty to retrench, in the translation, the violent passages against the king of England; he does not wish to become, in that respect, the imitator of the English writers, too accustomed to outrage, in the most shameful manner, the royal dignity.

Reply to the King of England's declaration relative to the expedition to Copenhagen. Pascit vertum et sequitur Æstum: totâ die, mendacium et vastitatem multiplicat. SEUS, cap. 12. When the right of nations passed for something with England; when the laws of nations view the laws of England, one might have expected to see hostilities preceded by manifestoes, and not manifestoes following the consummation of hostilities.-Modern nations have constantly followed, in this respect, the usage of what the ancients had left them the example; those usages which the Romans adopted as soon as they entered into the rank of civilized people. From the date of those solemn forms, of

Which Livy has consecrated the recollection in the first work of his history, down to those expressions written upon the sword of the most terrible of sovereigns, ultima rugio regum-How many movements attest to us that this last and fatal means ought to be preceded by all those of a wise and moral policy, and that, before we appeal to armis, sovereigns ought to make known their motives for departing from peace, and the efforts they have made to preserve it..

But arms, which are the last reason of kings, are the first reason of brigands : and the latter issue no declarations, until threatened with republic vengeance; they endeavour to parry off the blow that is brought down upon their heads by the ruin and blood of their victims. It was only after having burnt Copenhagen, and seized the Danish fleet---it was only when they saw a general indignation kindling against them, that the English government thought of publishing a declaration of their motives. But when a government has brought themselves to resolve upon such excesses, when they openly profess that they disregard the most sacred rights, that they violate the most holy laws, that they insult all sovereigns, that they outrage every nation, how is it that they stoop to a justification of their conduct? What care they for the indignation which they have excited from one extremity of Europe to the other? Are they to be struck by the general hatred, or humbled by universal contempt ? Have they any character to maintain, or a remnant of honour to preserve? Can they be supposed accessible to a sensation of shame, or to the slightest disposition to repentance?

Can the aspect of the ruins of Copenhagen, can the blood of so many brave victims, immolated within its walls, can the lamentations of so many unfortunate families, touch the feelings of the English government? or do the cries of vengeance, which are raised against them by all the nations of the continent, make them fear that at length these nations will form a vigorous confederacy against them, to avenge all the calamities which they have heaped upon them?

No: these cries of vengeance are not yet suficiently rung in the ears of the English. The government flatters themselves they will be able to stifle them by their declarations. They think meanly enough of the honour or the wisdom of some continental powers, still to attempt to lay snares for them. After having dismayed them by new excesses, they would seduce them by new artifices. When a nation has employed falsehood and perfidy, to prepare the success of their crimes, it is by falsehood and perfidy they will endeavour to excuse them: like that guilty tribe, which, according to the words of the prophet, feeding themselves with pride, and pursuing acts of violence, continually multiplied their falsehoods and their devastations. Ephraim pascit virtum et sequeitur æstum tota die, mendacium et vastitalum multiplicat.* (To be Continued.)

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

The article against a peace shall appear in our next. It has made way for a letter from a correspondent on the DECAY OF RELIGION, which is too important a subject to be overlooked. It was not from any indifference to the state of religion in this country, that the Review has been hitherto silent upon that subject; for it was my intention to have opened the first number of the ensuing year with a serious address upon it. The letter which appears in this day's number will serve as a text, whereupon I shall hereafter comment. Among other matters, connected with this discussion, I intend to lay before the public several curious facts relative to the progress and policy of the fanatics, who are springing up in every village of the kingdom; and it is to be hoped, that when their policy shall have been fully developed, that the legislature will interpose, in due time, its authority to restrain, or subject to. oper control, a system which is rapidly undermining the national religious establish

*The bible is very much read in Germany, there is, therefore, no reason for surprise at seeing a German quote a prophet, even in a political tract. Among the writings to which the firing of Copenhagen has given birth, and which I have had occasion to peruse, there is a sort of prophecy against England, composed of a number of passages from the prophets, which the author paraphrases, as he applies them to the iniquities, to the present situation, and the future fate of England. He has more especially availed himself of Habakuck and Zacharias. This work is very curious, and is inscribed to a clergyman of Finniberg, in Holstein,----[Note of the Translator.]

1

[ocr errors]

ment. These evils would never have risen to their present height, if those entrusted with the conservation of the principles of our church, had discharged, with fidelity and courage, the duties entrusted to them.

Thus it comes to pass, in all human institutions, that however excellent their origi nal principles may be, the relaxation of them must lead to abuses which become, at length, too numerous and powerful for the correction of those who were, at first, appointed to guard against them. But, though these abuses be too evident to be denied, I am willing to hope that the gloomy picture of our religious and moral condition, which my correspondent has drawn, is not so deplorable as he represents it to be. In the universities, there is a great laxity of discipline; but they are, I am sorry to add, the receptacles of fanatics also. I can affirm, upon good authority, that both Oxford and Cambridge abound, at this time, with young men, who, while completing their education for the church, are devoted to the practice of methodism.

In despight however of many revolting corruptions; in despight of the baneful example given in the capital by the profligacy of the higher classes, I still think, that religion is more venerated in this country, than in any other country of Europe.-And though it has to encounter the sneers of infidelity, and the sullen pride of fanaticism, the church of England is in a state of comparative prosperity.

I do not allege that it will continue in this state: on the contrary, I am of opinion that it must ultimately go to decline, unless very speedy and decisive measures are adopted to shroud it from the incessant attacks of its secret and avowed enemies. What fatal consequences will flow from the people ceasing to cherish any respect for the clergy, may be read in the history of the crimes of France. Toward the latter period of the lawful monarchy, the great preferments in the church were selected not from the most distinguished among the divines, but from the relatives of courtiers and fawning sycophants. Young men, and men by no means celebrated for their learning, their piety, and the purity of their morals, were raised to the episcopal dignity; and the appointments in the church became as much a marketable business as the acquirement of military rank is with us. There were exceptions from this general charge; but the weight of established evil preponderated over the accidental good that was done. I hope we shall never experience a similar disgrace in this country; but, rapid strides are making towards it. For, what can more induce the public to look upon their bishops and pastors with indifference, than the indifference which these themselves shew in the discharge of their functions? It is an indisputable fact, that the most important duties of the higher clergy are not only neglected, but seem to be wholly forgotten. Some of these I shall specify hereafter; and they are among the causes which drive multitudes out of the fold of the national church, into the tabernacles of fanatics and other sectaries. This, however, proves my principle, that religion is more respected here than in other countries; for it shews a disposition in the people to cherish some religious belief, rather than live under the semblance of religion, or without any religion at all.

With respect of the Irish non-resident clergy, I attribute to their misconduct, the growth of the Romish persuasion in Ireland; and if, as my correspondent justly observes, the state will soon be in the hands of dissenters, unless some step be taken to revive the respectability of the national church; I am sure, it may be said with equal justice, that if residence be not enforced in Ireland, that country will soon be in the hands of the Catholics. The difference between the Protestant and Catholic population now and sixty years ago, will startle my readers when it is laid before them.

Upon the whole, I must acknowledge my obligations to T. P. for pointing out these primary objects of national consideration. I shall feel emboldened in the prosecution of these inquiries by the support of so valuable a correspondent; and the public may rest assured, that I shall bring myself to the discussion of these important subjects, with the utmost sobriety and impartiality, and with the most zealous endeavours to support the national church in its purity and just glory,

Printed and published by G. SIDNEY, No. 1, Northumberland-Street, Strand; Sold by H. T.HODGSON, Wimpole-street; J. BELL, Sweeting's-alley, Cornhill; and by all the News-Venders in Town and Country.

Vol. III. No. 26. Saturday, December 26, 1807. Price 10d.

481

THE CLOSE OF THE YEAR.

I have postponed, until the last moment, the publication of the papers relative to the conspiracy in Spain, in the hope, that the account would prove to be one of those forgeries which are prevalent in times of trouble and public confusion. The experience of all ages shews, that when the minds of men are unsettled, and whole nations are tremblingly expectant of some great convulsion of empire, the reign of rumour is sure to commence; for which reason, together with several other considerations applicable to the relations cf Spain with France, and to the national character of the Spaniards, I did not, at first, credit the intelligence. But it will be seen, from the insertion of the documents in our last number, that it is no longer to be considered as a report ; for it is fully confirmed, both by Spanish and French vouchers. If the occurrence had taken place in any other country upon the continent, I should not have been so incredulous, because I believe the morals of the age to be so lax, that their courts are open to the commission of any atrocity. The predominant vices of our ages are, ambition, selfishness, avarice, and sensuality, which, though not always allied, are, nevertheless, strangely blended in almost every European cabinet. In France, these vices flourish also; but then they are under the direction of aspiring and resolute minds, who, incessantly occupied in the demolition of ancient authorities, and grasping at the sovereignty of the world, contrive, with mischievous dexterity, to make all their vices subservient to the grand objects of their ambition. But it is different in other states: among them the ambitious principle is tinctured with cowardice and irresolution, and, consequently, it cannot produce a re-active energy equal to copé with the projects of universal dominion cherished by France.

The king of Spain, of the weakness of whose character I gave a sufficient specimen above a year ago, accused his own son, the prince of Asturias, of a design to' depose and murder him. By the next post, intelligence was brought, that the prince had cried peccavi, that he had implored the clemency both of his Papa and Mamma, and that, to shew his repentance, he had agreed to peach his accomplices. This is the Newgate slang, and perfectly well suited to the characters whom every one suspects to be the inventors of this conspiracy. It is here mentioned merely as an histotorical fact, without the least attempt to explain what must remain a mystery until all the circumstances shall have been laid before the public. From the papers before us, it is impossible not to be of opinion, that the conspiracy was not hatched in Spain; that the authors of it have made the unfortunate monarch an instrument in the degra dation of his son, and the son the dupe of his own terrors. This affair differs from all others of a similar nature; for it is so ludicrous, in its nature and consequences, as it has been represented to us, that it does not deserve to be ranked among those grand but hellish combinations which are announced to the world amidst shrieks of murder, and the shouts of rebellious ambition.

At present, the piece is in an unfinished state, inasmuch as the prince of peace has not yet appeared upon the stage in his proper character. The conclusion will unravel the whole piece; but I do not think it is the wish of Buonaparte that it should be bloody and affecting. He must take his measures with great caution, for in despight of unfavourable appearances, and of a great degeneracy in the national character of the Spaniards, there is an unextinguished spark of Castillian honour remaining which may spread, if enkindled, like wild-fire over the whole peninsula. I am quite at a loss how this affair will terminate, and I have no doubt, that Buonaparte and Talleyrand are also puzzled relative to the mode of getting rid of this branch of the Bourbons. But, as this is the age of speculation as well as of revolution, I here submit to the reader, an idea of their designs, formed upon the well-known character and practices of the men; and I shall tell it in their manner.

VOL. III, No. 26.

« PreviousContinue »