deavour to promote some measure of relief, were he not aware that Government intended to apply some other remedy besides emigration to the evil complained of. He had good reason to believe, that Government would institute inquiries, with a view to ascertain speedily to what extent it would be possible and expedient to employ the superabundant population at home. That belief made him passive on the subject, for he had every confidence that his Majesty's Government would, if possible, relieve the country from this great embar rassment. The Marquis of Salisbury said, that thinking it doubtful whether any measure for giving employment to the labouring classes would be brought in by Government, he should on Monday next move for the re-appointment of the Committee which sat last Session, to consider laws affecting the poor. Viscount Melbourne said, he felt great embarrassment in replying to the question which had been asked, whether it was the intention of Government to bring forward any measures for the alleviation of the distress of the poor classes, because if he Isaid that Ministers had no measures for that object in contemplation, they might be accused of supineness and indifference to the wants of the poor; and if he replied that Government had some plan in view, he might excite hopes which would end in disappointment. The subject was one of great difficulty, of which no other proof need be given than the length of time during which it had been agitated, the number of reports which had been drawn up, and the difference of opinion which prevailed on the subject. Each person had his own nostrum, to which he obstinately adhered, regarding with inveterate hostility the nostrum of every one else. The House had already been informed by a noble friend of his, that a bill was to be introduced for the purpose of facilitating emigration; and he also promised to take the subject of home-colonization into consideration, without, however, expressing any opinion, favourable or unfavourable, on the matter. He could not say, that Government had any plan in view on which they placed such confidence as need make any other person, who had any measure to recommend, hesitate to do so. The Lord Chancellor thought their Lordships must feel the inconvenience of a practice which had of late crept into that House, and which was not permitted in the other House of Parliament-that of entering into a debate when there was no question of any kind or sort before them. He conceived, that it would not lessen their Lordships' dignity, and would certainly be infinitely more convenient, if they departed from such a practice, one consequence of which was, that the closest reasoner could not stick to the question, because there was no question whereto to stick. Whenever their Lordships indulged in these irregular debates, they got into a conversation quite as rambling and desultory as a talk round a fireside, and not half so amusing. The question into which their Lordships had entered was an extremely important one, and though he deprecated continuing the subject in the present unprofitable manner, being desirous rather to have an opportunity of delivering his sentiments on every branch of the question when it came regularly before the House, he trusted that he should not be considered as deviating from the advice which he had just presumed to offer their Lordships, if he expressed his opinion, that some attempts ought to be made to relieve the evil which had been brought under the notice of the House by the noble Earl (Winchilsea), and the sooner the better. God knew whether any good effect would result from those attempts; but they had no right to despair. He always thought it time enough to say "I can't," when he had tried and failed. Whenever a man said "I can't” before he had tried, their Lordships might safely conclude that he meant "I won't." He was decidedly of opinion that the present Session, short and busy as it might be, should not be suffered to pass, without endeavouring to apply a remedy to the evil. That remedy must be of two kinds— namely, to give relief to the excess of population over the demand for labour, which existed in some parts of the country (many noble Lords, he knew, said that it existed in all parts of the country, but it was sufficient for him that it existed in some, and might exist in all if necessary precautions were not adopted), and to afford means, under due regulations, for emigration. The latter plan, he was aware, would only afford temporary relief, and must, of necessity, be an inadequate remedy for the evil; and unless their Lordships applied the axe to the root, they would have to resort to emigration again. But he was glad to have it in his power to assure the House, that the Government, and himself individually, had taken the subject into consideration, with a view to propose a measure, not indeed to operate contemporaneously with the regulations for emigration, but somewhat after them in order of time, to make a more general provision to prevent the recurrence of the sad necessity for the country's best sons leaving her shores. This was the kind of remedy which he should prefer; but it was necessary to begin by removing the surplus population, and it would be then for Government to endeavour to prevent its accumulation again. That object was to be obtained by a revision of the Poor-laws, notwithstanding the immense and fearful difficulties which such a task imposed. It was known that so early as the years 1816 and 1817 he had applied his mind to this subject. From that time downwards he had not given up the investigation; and, at length, he believed that he saw daylight amidst the darkness which had hitherto enveloped the subject. He should not say a word as to the plan which he had decided upon; but he had taken the advice of his Majesty's Govern ment as a body upon it; and he hoped and trusted that not many months would pass before a measure on the subject would be introduced to their Lordships, so matured, as at least to deserve their favourable consideration. He would not promise that it would be brought forward this Session, but he hoped it would not be delayed later than the next. It was intended to be preparatory to another measure for the consolidation and simplification of the existing Acts on the subject of the Poor-laws. The noble and learned Lord concluded by stating, that he thought himself called upon to make these few observations, in justice to himself and to his colleagues, to show that they were not neglectful of the subject. Emigration he considered a most inadequate remedy, unless assisted by other measures. Lord Stourton said, my apology to the House for transgressing its rules, after the remark which has just fallen from the noble and learned Lord, is, that any observations I have to make, of however little weight they may be to-day, would be still more worthless to-morrow. They refer to the statements of extreme and appalling distress in Ireland, and the im minent hazard we run, that without extensive and immediate relief, wide districts will be exposed to the alarming danger of perishing under the joint and dreadful vicissitudes of famine and pestilence. So rapid is the progress of events, that it is true to say, there is death in our deliberations! Qui cito dat, bis dat, that is my maxim, that is my justification this night for transgressing the forms and rules of the House by prolonging this irregular conversation. The Speech from the Throne has informed the House of the enforcement of the Quarantine Laws, and other wise and salutary commercial regulations. But let not one other precaution be omitted-namely, that of propitiating the great Disposer of all things, the great God of mercy and of justice, by deeds of mercy to our own fellow-creatures and subjects, and let us have to say, in imploring mercy for ourselves, in beseeching of infinite goodness to avert this pestilence (of cholera) from our shore, that as we have done our utmost to arrest the progress of famine and pestilence in Ireland, so do thou, in thy mercy, Lord, avert pestilence from us. My Lords, if the statements be correct, and I have no reasons for questioning their accuracy, scenes of horror are passing in the south-western parts of Ireland, compared with which the Grecian Daughter is no longer tragedy. And now permit me to add, that the time is come when those who, from principles of political economy, may be most indisposed to afford temporary and casual relief, will find their justification in the peculiar state of Ireland, as exposed and laid down in the reports of our legislative Committees. What do these reports say? Why, that Ireland is in a transition state. But trust not, my Lords, to my memory; allow me to read a copy of the report, in the very words of a Committee of the other House of Parliament. One of these tells us "that the present difficulties of the situation of Ireland rather appear to be incidental to a transition from one system to another," (and that transition, so alluded to, is stated to be, from the cottier system to consolidation of farms,) "than to any which can be considered as permanent." Therefore, my Lords, I have a right to say, watch with peculiar care this transition state, and give temporary and casual relief under accidental and passing circumstances. The most inflexible rigorist for non-interference may he the Laws for suppressing the illicit making of Malt and distillation of Spirits (Ireland):-By Lord DUNCANNON, for repealing part of an Act, 7th Geo. 4th, for Paving, Watching, Improving, &c. Grovesnor Place, and other streets adjacent to the Garden of Buckingham House:-By Mr. G. LAMB, to Indemnify Deputy Lieutenants (Scotland); and to authorize the Exchange of Ecclesiastical Lands:By Mr. PORTMAN, to Consolidate the Laws relating to Highways. On the Motion of Lord DUNCANNON, a Committee was appointed to inquire into matters connected with Windsor Castle and Buckingham Palace. Returns ordered. On the Motion of Mr. HERRIES, of the Balances remaining unpaid on the 1st of January, 1851, upon Grants of Parliament for Ordnance Services, set forth in Acts, 11 Geo. 4th; and 1 Wm. 4th, c. 63, § 12; and also, of the Amount paid on each of the several heads of Services, for which the said Grants were made, between 1st January, 1831, and 21st June, 1831; Account of the Balance remaining in the Treasurer of the Ordnance's hands, on the 1st of January, 1831; and of Monies received by him, between that date and 21st June, 1831, distinguishing the several heads of Ordnance Services, as set forth in the Acts before mentioned:-On the Motion of Mr. HUGHES HUGHES, giving the particulars of applications made to the Bishops for their assents to building additional Churches, under 5th Geo. 4th, c. 103; and giving the particulars of applications made to the Commissioners for building new Churches, under the 3rd Section of Act 7th and 8th Geo. 4th, c. 72:-On the Motion of Mr. RUTHVEN, from the Diocesan and Endowed Schools (Ireland), of the number of Scholars paying, and those taught gratuitously; and of the number of Vessels and Tonnage entered, and departing from the Port of Strangford, in Ireland, for the last three years; and of all Steam Engines used in Great Britain and Ireland, or in Vessels, distinguishing their powers:-On the Motion of Mr. ELLIS, Papers relating to Public Accounts were ordered to be laid on the Table. be satisfied; and if, in future times, when a more permanent and better system has been established, and your remedial measures now in progress or in contemplation, viz., of bog-reclaiming, emigration, redemption of wastes, and other prospective remedies, have been in operation, your present relief, however extensive, cannot be appealed to as a precedent. You may shew the bogs which you have laid down in these your present channels of charity, and say, these were applicable only to that transitionstate in which Ireland was then placed; and you have no right to the same interference in your more settled and improved condition. To Ireland, in its present state, may be applied the story of a person who had fallen down exhausted in the streets of Paris. Her complaint was the wolf in the stomach ! Two medical men were in attendance upon her, of whom the one said, the malady was without a remedy; the other, that he knew of an infallible cure; but that the ingredients of which it must be composed were at Constantinople. The humane by-stander exclaimed-" Then, Gentlemen, as one of you conceives this dreadful disorder to be without a remedy, and your remedy (turning to the other Doctor) is to be fetched from Constantinople, permit me in the interim to prescribe for this poor creature. My advice is, that you will give without delay a little food to this MAYNOOTH COLLEGE.] Lord Mandeperson, in order to stop the gnawings of ville presented Petitions from Aberdeen, this devouring worm-of this wolf that is Armagh, and other places, against the annow preying upon the vitals of this un-nual grant to the Roman Catholic College fortunate person." I say the same-I ap- of Maynooth, to which grant the petitionprove of the remedial measures in progress ers attributed much of the evils of Ireland. to afford a more permanent and effective cure for the complaints of Ireland. But all I ask-all I prescribe is, that you will administer without a moment's delay a little food, a little meal, some potatoes to stop, at least to assuage, the cravings of this devouring wolf in the stomach, that now is preying, through wide districts, upon the very vitals of a famished people. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Bills brought in. By Sir E. SUGDEN, to amend the Provi- By Petitions presented. By Lord MANDEVILLE, from Holy- Mr. O'Connell said, he was glad that the noble Lord had moved that the petitions be printed, because he thought there was no little ingenuity requisite to make out the position that the evils of Ireland were attributable to the 9,000l. or 11,000l. a-year granted to the College of Maynooth. However, he perfectly concurred with the petitioners, that the grant was an exceptionable one. Let them make this bargain, which would be fair to both parties-let the Protestants contribute nothing to the support of the Catholic religion, and, on the other hand, let the Catholics contribute nothing to the support of the Protestant religion. Petitions to be printed. AFFRAY AT NEWTOWN BARRY.] Mr. Hunt presented a petition from the Wineporters of Dublin, praying for the Repeal of the Union. The hon. Member said, he was convinced that they must have one of two things either the Repeal of the Union, or the Poor-laws in Ireland. It appeared by the Papers of to-day, that twenty or thirty of the populace in Ireland had been slain by the Yeomanry Cavalry in an affray about tithes. He supposed they would hear more of this transaction, and he would give no opinion about it at present; but he must say, that this state of things in Ireland could not be got rid of by Special Commissions, and prosecutions, and the gallows. Nothing but the Poorlaws would do any good to Ireland, and if | the Parliament would not give Poor-laws, he would support the measure of the hon. member for Kerry (Mr. O'Connell) for a Repeal of the Union. the Yeomanry thought themselves justified in firing in self-defence; and the conse-quence was, he grieved to say, that many of the people were killed. Such was the information he had received, and he had thought it right to state it to the House, after the allusion which the hon. member for Preston had made to the transaction. He would only add, that Captain Graham, the Magistrate, was a gentleman with whom he had been long acquainted, and whom he knew to be a gallant, an honourable, and a humane man. Lord Milton entreated hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House to refrain from the expression of any opinion upon this unfortunate occurrence, until all the facts connected with it were before them. He entreated them not to rely upon any ex parte statements, come from whom they might. He admitted the authority of the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Maxwell) opposite to be most respectable; but he did entreat that hon. Gentleman to consider and to weigh well and maturely in his own mind whether the facts of the case would bear out one of the expressions which he had used. The expression to which he alluded was, that "the people had fired upon the Yeomanry." He had received information Mr. Maxwell begged to say a few words respecting the transaction to which the hon. Member had referred, as he happened to be connected with that part of the country in which it had occurred. He took it for granted that the hon. Member alluded to the unfortunate transaction that had taken place at Newtownbarry. In that parish the Tithe Composition Act was in force, so that the evils complained of in--but he once more entreated the House other parishes did not exist in Newtownbarry. The clergyman of the parish, who was an extremely humane and excellent man, had not been able to get his tithes from the Roman Catholic farmers, though they had agreed to the composition. The clergyman went to one of them, named Doyle, who t ld the clergyman plainly, that he would pay him nothing, and that he might distrain if he pleased. Upon this the clergyman resolved, very much against his will, to send in a distress, and he carried his Resolution into effect. The sale of the cattle that was seized under the distress was fixed for Saturday. In the mean time it was rumoured that a rescue of the cattle was intended, and upon this information being received, the Yeomanry were called in, but strict orders were given them not to fire on the people. The cattle were rescued from the pound, and a mob of 1,000 or 2,000 assembled. Upon this the Magistrate came up with the Yeomanry and the Police. The Yeomanry were immediately fired upon by the people: one of their number was killed, and others were mortally wounded. Then it was, that to deal with his information and with the information of all other individuals alike, and not to decide upon ex parte statements from any quarter, no matter how respectable,-he had received information, he said, of a very different character. According to his information, the people might, indeed, be said, in one sense, to have fired upon the Yeomanry, but it was with stones, not with fire-arms; and he was sure that throwing stones at the Yeomanry was not what the House would understand by the expression "firing upon the Yeomanry." He mentioned this only to illustrate the prudence of that advice which he took the liberty of earnestly tendering to the House--namely, of keeping their minds in complete indecision upon the transaction until the facts connected with it should be laid officially before them. He had left the spot only the day before this occurrence took place, and he could answer for its tranquillity at that time, as well as for the loyalty and good disposition of the inhabitants. Whatever might be the merits of the Rector, as had been stated by the hon. Gentleman opposite, he (Lord Milton) could state, upon as good authority as that hon. Gentleman | clergyman or Yeomanry. He would add, could have access to, that that reverend that the clergymen in that part of the gentleman, since he had come into the country where this transaction had occurpossession of this benefice, had not been red, found it extremely difficult to collect upon harmonious terms with his parishion- their tithes; and to such a degree had ers. But again he would repeat, that he that difficulty arisen, that he knew an emideprecated discussion until they had the nently respectable clergyman there who had proper documents before them. been obliged to send his books to Dublin to have them sold for the support of his family. He knew that for nine months that clergyman had not been able to collect his tithes. He applied to the Irish Government, and the answer was, that he should seek his remedy; and when a clergyman did so, he was assailed in that House as the promoter of disturbances. Mr. Leader expressed his entire concurrence in the feeling and generous sentiments which had fallen from the noble Lord who had just sat down, and he equally concurred with the noble Lord as to the propriety of not discussing this matter until they had the whole facts of the case before them. As to the operations of the Tithe Composition Act, he (Mr. Leader) had taken great pains to extend it, and had acted as churchwarden in several parishes where it had been carried into operation, and he would state from his experience of Ireland, that wherever that Act had been put in force it had been productive of the most beneficial effects; and he, therefore, had his forebodingshe more than suspected, seeing that Act was in force in this parish-that all had not been right or fair in this case. For example, he did think that calling out the Yeomanry to enforce payment of tithes, was a measure which ought never to have been resorted to: the civil power was sufficient to enforce the laws, and if it were not, then let the Government ask for greater power, but let not the Magistrates call out heated partizans to enforce the laws. Mr. Lambert lamented, that they should have entered upon such a premature discussion of this description, before they had the proper documents relating to this melancholy transaction before the House. Having lived in Wexford many years, and knowing the loyalty of the people, it would be with extreme reluctance he could bring himself to believe, that the people had done any thing to warrant the massacre that had been committed. He had been employed to defend the parishioners against the collection of tithes for three years, and he was aware that there was a strong feeling against tithes, but during the whole of that period not a single outrage had been committed. He thought, therefore, that hon. Gentlemen ought to be slow, indeed, in coming to a conclusion that this lamentable occurrence had been provoked. The learned Gentleman opposite had spoken of a cler Now he (Mr. Lambert) knew some clergymen in that county who received such small salaries, that they were not enabled to have any books at all. Looking at the late transactions which had occurred in Mr. Lefroy did not at all question the propriety of not then discussing the sub-gyman being obliged to sell his books. ject, and of suspending their judgment until they had the facts of the case before them, but when the hon. Member who had last spoken, expressed his suspicion that all had not been right, he (Mr. Lefroy) deemed it his duty to defend the clergy-some districts in Ireland, he must say, that man whose character was assailed in this instance, against such a charge. One circumstance was to him to place this event on the same footing as that which took place at Merthyr Tydvil; namely, that it was quite clear, that one of the Yeomanry died of a gun-shot wound, and that others had been mortally wounded before they fired on the populace. From this it was also clear, the people had come prepared with fire-arms. If it were no so, then the Yeomanry must have shot themselves. On the whole, there was no ground for casting any imputation on the there appeared to be a disposition on the part of certain persons there, to bring on a rebellion in that county. He repeated, that, looking at those transactions, he was led to believe that there were persons in Ireland who were anxious to provoke a rebellion there, in order, as they hoped, to bring back the old state of things. would tell such persons, however, who foolishly hoped to achieve such an object, that the days of rebellion were gone by, and that the age of revolution was come. When he spoke of revolution, he did not mean to say that he approved of it-on He |