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"He should be sorry if the House and the country should run away with the notion which Lord J. Russell seemed to entertain, that he had abandoned principles. He concurred in Lord John's definition of the relations between the Foreign Minister and the Crown, and he contended that he had done nothing inconsistent with those relations. With reference to the deputation on the subject of the release of the Hungarian refugees, he had thought it to be his duty to receive it; he had repudiated certain expressions contained in the address, and he had said nothing upon that occasion which he had not uttered in that House and elsewhere. The noble Lord then entered into a lengthened statement of the transactions in reference to the coup d'état in France, which had been represented by Lord John Russell as forming the groundwork of his removal from office. The event, which is commonly called the coup d'état, happened in Paris on the 2nd of December. the 3rd, the French Ambassador, with whom I was in the habit of almost daily communication, called on me at my house to inform me of what news he had received, and to talk over the events of the preceding day, and I stated conversationally the opinion I entertained of the events which had taken place. That opinion was exactly the opinion expressed in the latter part of the despatch which the noble Lord has read; and the French Ambassador, as I am informed, in a private letter, communicated the result of that conversation to his Minister. On that day, the 3rd of December, Her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris wrote a despatch to ask what instructions he should receive for his guidance in France during the interval before the vote of the French people on the question that was to be proposed to them, and whether in that interval he should infuse into the relations with the French Government any greater degree of reserve than usual. I took the opinion of the Cabinet on that question, and a draft of that opinion was prepared and sent for Her Majesty's approbation. The answer could only be one in consistence with the course we had pursued since the beginning of the events alluded to, and was such as the noble Lord has read. Her Majesty's Ambassador was instructed to make no change in his relations with the French Government, and to do nothing that should wear the appearance of any interference in the internal affairs of France. There was no instruction to communicate that document to the French Government; it simply contained instructions, not, in fact, what the English Ambassador was to do, but what he was to abstain from doing. The noble Lord, however (the Marquis of Normanby), thought it right to communicate to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs the substance of that document, accompanying his communication with certain excuses for the delay, which, however, did not rest with that noble Marquis, as his despatch to the English Government was dated the 3rd of December. The French Minister stated that he had nothing to complain of with respect to the delay, and the less, indeed, because two days before he had received from the French Ambassador in London a statement which the noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) has read, viz., that I had entirely approved of what had been done, and thought the President of the French fully justified. That was a somewhat highly-coloured explanation of the result of the long conversation we held together. Those particular words I never used, and probably the French Ambassador never would have conceived it consistent with the dignity due to his country to ask the approval of a Foreign Secretary of State. Consequently, the approval was not given, and was not asked. When the Marquis of Normanby's despatch reached my noble friend (Lord J. Russell), he wrote to say he trusted that I could contradict that report. There was, as he has stated, an interval between the receipt of the noble Lord's letter and my answer. The noble Lord's letter was dated the 14th, and my answer the 16th. I was at the time labouring under a heavy pressure of business, and wishing fully to explain the opinion I expressed, it was not until the evening of the 16th that I was able to write my answer. The noble Lord got it early next morning, on the 17th. My answer was, that the words quoted by Lord Normanby gave a high colouring to anything I could have said in the conversation with the French Ambassador, but that my opinion was, and that opinion, no doubt, I expressed, that such was the antagonism arising from time to time between the French Assembly and the President, that their long co-existence became impossible, and that it was my opinion that if one or the other were to prevail it would be better for France, and, through the interests of France, better for the interests of Europe, that the President should prevail than the Assembly; and my reason was that the Assembly had nothing to offer for the substitution of the President, unless an alternative ending obviously in civil war or anarchy: whereas the President, on the other hand, had to offer unity of purpose and unity of authority, and if he were inclined to do so, he might give to France internal tranquillity with good and permanent government. I will not trouble the House with all the arguments in my letter, or with all the illustrations it contained. My noble friend replied to that letter, that he had come to the reluctant conclusion that it would not be consistent with the interests of the country to allow the management of the foreign affairs of the country to remain any longer in my hands. He said that the question between us was not whether the President was justified or not, but whether I was justified or not in having expressed any opinion on the subject. To that I replied that there was in diplomatic intercourse a well-known and perfectly understood distinction between conversations official, by which Governments were bound, and which represented the opinions of Governments, and those unofficial conversations by which Governments were not bound, and in which the speakers did not express the opinions of Governments, but the opinions they might themselves for the moment entertain. I said that in my conversation with M. Walewski nothing had passed which could in the slightest degree fetter the action of the Government; and that if the doctrine of the noble Lord were established, and if the Foreign Secretary were to be precluded from expressing

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on passing events any opinion to a foreign Minister except in the capacity of
an organ of the Cabinet, and after having previously consulted the Cabinet,
there would be an end to that freedom of intercourse which tended so much
to good understanding and to the facility of public business. To this my noble
friend answered, that my letter left him no other course than to ask Her
Majesty to appoint a successor to me. Now, it is my humble opinion that
my doctrine is right, and that my noble friend is wrong; because it is
obvious that if the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs were never allowed
in easy and familiar conversation with foreign Ministers to express an opinion
on foreign events, whether important or not, not as the organ of the Govern-
ment, but an opinion which he had formed himself at the moment, then such
a restriction on the intercourse with foreign Ministers would be extremely
injurious and prejudicial to the public service. (Hear, hear.) Now, I expressed
this opinion, to which the noble Lord has referred, to the French Ambassa-
dor on the 3rd of December; but was I the only member of the Cabinet who
did thus express an opinion on passing events? I am informed that on the
evening of that very day, and under the same roof as I expressed my opinion,
the noble Lord at the head of the Government, in conversation with the same
Ambassador, expressed his opinion. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I cannot tell
what that opinion was, but, from what has fallen from the noble Lord this
evening, it may be assumed that that opinion was not very different even
from the reported opinion which I am supposed to have expressed. Was
that all? On the 5th, and in the noble Lord's own house, I have been in-
formed that the French Ambassador met the noble Lord the President of the
Council and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The noble Lord again expressed
an opinion; and the President of the Council and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer also expressed an opinion (Cheers and laughter): and be it remem-
bered, that the charge is not the nature of the opinion, for the noble Lord
distinctly told me, 'You mistake the question between us; it is not whether
the President was justified or not, but whether you were justified iu
expressing an opinion on the matter at all.' I believe that the noble Lord
the Secretary of State for the Colonies did also in those few days express an
opinion on those events, and I have been informed also that the then Vice-
President of the Board of Trade, and now the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, also expressed his opinion. (Cheers and laughter.) Then it follows
that every member of the Cabinet, whatever his political avocations may
have been-however much his attention may have been devoted to other
matters-is at liberty to express an opinion of passing events abroad; but
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whose peculiar duty it is to watch
those events, who is unfit for his office if he has not an opinion on them, is the
only man not permitted to express an opinion; and when a foreign Minister
comes and tells him that he has news, he is to remain silent, like a speech-
less dolt, or the mute of some Eastern Pacha! (Cheers and laughter.) Now I
am told, 'It is not your conversation with M. Walewski that is complained
of, but your despatch to the Marquis of Normanby.' What had I stated in
that despatch, in reference to which a great parade has been made, as if I had
been guilty of breach of duty to the Crown, and of my obligations to the
Prime Minister, in sending it without previously communicating with the
noble Lord? No man can lay down the matter more strongly than I have in
reference to the obligations of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. I
have always admitted that if the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs sends
a despatch of importance to an Ambassador abroad, without ascertaining the
opinion of the Prime Minister or the Crown, he is guilty of a breach of duty.
But there are many cases in which it is perfectly well known that he is only
expressing the opinion of the Government, and inconvenience might arise
from delay." Lord Palmerston then entered at some length into the effect of
the despatches that had passed between himself and Lord Normanby, and
also the communications between that noble Lord and Lord J. Russell with
reference to the same subject; and he concluded his statement by maintain-
ing that it was a misrepresentation of the fact to say, that he had given
instructions to Lord Normanby inconsistent with the relations of general
intercourse between England and France. It was no instruction at all. He
did not profess to give the opinion of the Government or that of England.
It was his own opinion, and whether right or wrong, it was shared by num-
bers in France. Therefore, the charge made against him by Lord J. Russell
founded on this despatch, had no foundation either in justice or in facts.
Lord Palmerston next' observed upon the complaints made against him of
having delayed so long in replying to the inquiry of the Prime Minister, an
accident which was occasioned by the pressure of business. When he could
reply, he had stated to the noble Lord that he had merely expressed an
opinion to the French Ambassador that there had been for some time such
an antagonism between the President and the Assembly that their co-exis-
tence had become an impossibility, and if one or the other were to prevail, it
would be better that it should be the President. The noble Lord concluded
with an animated defence of his foreign policy, in all its aspects, during
periods of difficulty, whilst he had held the seals of office, which had con-
tributed to the maintenance of general peace without sullying the honour
or dignity of England."

We have given these extracts in extenso, knowing the influence both these distinguished senators have exercised on the destinies of England.

The most important clause of the Royal Speech was that in which a further Reform in the representation of the people was promised, and the Address was assented to without a division. On the 9th of February LORD JOHN stated the nature of his proposed measure for extending the Franchise, and met with small support from the Liberals, who considered he had not carried the reform far enough; and though leave was given

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to bring in the Bill, it was proceeded with no further. The next question brought forward by LOFD JOHN was that of the National Defences, and his plan for organising a local Militia was strongly opposed, especially by LORD PALMERSTON, who expressed his preference for a regular Militia, and suggested the omission of the word "local" from the Bill. This proposition was strongly opposed by LORD JOHN, and subsequently, when a vote was taken, and with a majority adverse to him, his Lordship resigned, as he considered the expression of the House equivalent to a withdrawal of confidence from the Government. The EARL OF DERBY succeeded to the Premiership and on the 27th of February, delivered an eloquent and comprehensive exposition of his intended policy (for which see Hansard), and both Houses adjourned until the 12th of March.

On the reassembling of Parliament the Members of the new Government were most guarded in making statements as to their commercial policy; but a more liberal feeling was suspected with regard to Free Trade, possibly with a view to the coming general election, which all saw was inevitable.

JANUARY TO June, 1852.

subject of the National Defences was discussed at some length. A strong debate arose upon the Second Reading of the Militia Bill, which was carried by 355 to 165, and the effect of the division was greatly to strengthen the position of the Government. The Bill subsequently became law, the DUKE OF WELLINGTON speaking most energetically in favour of the measure, and it was the last time the voice of the Great Warrior and Councillor was heard in debate.

MR. HUME's motion for the Extension of the Franchise was lost by 244 to 49, and MR. LOCKE KING's for assimilating the franchise in Counties to that in Boroughs was rejected by 202 to 149.

St. Albans was disfranchised after a commission of inquiry, and a Bill (originating with the former Ministry) empowering the Crown to direct a commission of inquiry to any place at which bribery is reported to have occurred became law.

Many minor measures, mostly of importance, passed the House, and are generally referred to in the Notes to this volume. On the 1st of July Parliament was prorogued, and

A Militia Bill was introduced by LORD DERBY, and the shortly after dissolved by proclamation.

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3

NOTES.

The Marble Arch originally formed part of Buckingham Palace.

7 Mrs. England Setting her House in Order. Her Majesty the QUEEN and LORD JOHN RUSSELL.

11 The Palmerston Feast.-See "Introduction" to this Volume.

14

15

20

21

33

The Member for Bodmin was MR. WYLD, a Map-seller in the Strand, and who erected in Leicester Square a building in which he exhibited a gigantic globe.

Our Adhesion to Mr. Bonaparte.-For an explanation of this paragraph and all others affecting the EMPEROR NAPOLEON, please read the History of France.

The City Brigands.-The Corporation of London is entitled to levy a toll upon all the coals which come into the Port of London.

The Bird that was in Two places at Once.--It was said that the news of LORD PALMERSTON's resignation was known in Vienna as soon as it was in London.

They Won't Mend their Ways.-The bribery at the St. Albans election is here alluded to.

34 A Brief Leader on the Preserved Meat of the Navy. Out of some 10,000 cases of preserved meats supplied by MR. GOLDNER for the use of the Navy, only ten per cent. was fit for human food. The rest composed of offal, being putrid, was taken out to sea and thrown overboard.

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A new Title for the "Base Exception."-The only 52 paper which advocated the cause of the French Emperor was the Morning Post. It was stigmatised as the "base exception." Alarming Illness of two Eminent Legal Characters. -JOHN DOE and RICHARD ROE were two fictitious personages whose names appeared upon writs for some reason or other. Foolish and Impudent Trick.-On the opening of Par- 67 liament LORDS DERBY, RUSSELL and BROUGHAM, and SIR G. GREY, denounced the tone of the English press when referring to French politics.

Not Quite such a Fine Child as the Last.-The Re- 77 form Bill introduced by the Government gave general dissatisfaction. The personages here represented are the Speaker (MR. SHAW LEFEVRE), SIBTHORP, COBDEN, JOHN BRIGHT, JOSEPH HUME and LORD JOHN RUSSELL.

On the Committal of an M.P.-Poor FEARGUS O'CONNOR 79 at this time gave indications of insanity, and created a disturbance in the House of Commons.

The Episcopal Mummy.-On removing a stone slab in the 82 under chapel of St. Stephens, which had long been used as the Speaker's state dining-room, a figure was found swathed in ten layers of canvas, prepared with wax and saltpetre. A richly-carved pastoral staff of oak was discovered with the corpse, and the face when exposed to view was found to be wonderfully preserved and quite flexible. It was supposed to be the body of LYNDWOODE, Bishop of St. David's and Keeper of the Privy Seal to HENRY THE SIXTH.

The Rivals, or a Military Position.-This is a political 85 parody of a well-known engraving. The DUKE OF WELLINGTON advocated National Defences, and MR. COBDEN opposed them.

Latest Intelligence.-LORD JOHN RUSSELL resigned the 87 Premiership towards the end of February, and Chicory was forbidden to be sold mixed with Coffee.

The Chiltern Hundreds.-We presume it is generally 87 known that when a M.P. wishes to resign he accepts the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds, which being an appointment under the Crown, necessitates the holder's re-election.

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99

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The Downing Street Cad.-MR. DISRAELI. LORD JOHN 203

"Knife-board."

Mr. Bendizzy's Rapid Act with a Change.-The 208

Derby party were trimming to the Free Traders just before

the general elections.

The Derby Drag.-See "Introduction." List of Derby 213

Ministry.

The Weybridge Duel.-Two foolish fellows, whose names 231

are not worth recording, met in the neighbourhood of Wey-

bridge on an "affair of humbug." They exchanged powder,

when a cock pheasant, alarmed by the report, frightened the

combatants, and a policeman fortunately appearing at the same.

time, the imbeciles expressed themselves "satisfied," and

were subsequently well laughed at for their foolishness.

The Crystal Palace in the Crystal Village is still 237

(thanks to MR. FRANCIS FULLER, who became its purchaser)

the source of daily enjoyment to thousands. 1862.

One of the Effects of the Blackguard Betting Offices. 240

-Betting Offices were opened in various parts of London by
persons of ill repute, and there any one could back a horse for
so low a sum as a shilling by depositing the money. If the
race went against the office-keeper, he, of course, disappeared.
The Betting Offices resembled the old Lottery Insurance Offices,
and produced similar evil effects, many cases of embezzlement
and ruin being traceable to their influence. The Legislature
interfered, and made such places illegal. TATTERSALL'S being
a club," is exempt from the operation of the Act.
Protectionist Estimates (MATHER) and Sanguinary 215

Outrage on a Defenceless Foreigner.-The outrage on 246

MR. MATHER, at Florence, occurred on the 29th of January.

The Grand DUCHY OF TUSCANY, although governed at this time

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A New Name for the Solicitor-General.-SIR FITZ- by its Grand Duke as an independent Prince, was occupied by
ROY KELLY.

National Disgrace refers to the removal of the Crystal
Palace from Hyde Park and the retention of the various
absurdities about London.

Cry of the Advertising Tailor.-The paletot, now an
almost forgotten article of dress, was generally worn at this
time by patrons of cheap clothes.

The Calculating Boy gets the Prize for Arithmetic.

-The Budget of 1852.

The Weather and the Hippodrome at Kensington 254

could not agree, and the latter passed away.

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FIRST of January, 1801.-Union of England and Ireland, which have been disunited ever since. New Year's Day in China is remarkable for the Feast of Lanthorns, when it is lucky to walk home from the temple with a candle still burning, the great point of the feast being to avoid a blow-out.

The 14th of February, last year, was remarkable for being Valentine's Day; and the first reading of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill,-supposed to be the result of sympathy between Valentine's Day and a dead letter.

LAW TERMS AND RETURNS.-There will be a great reduction in Law Terms; for in conseruence of the establishment of the County Courts, the law terms, which were formerly very xorbitant, will be comparatively moderate.

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HOW TO BEGIN THE NEW
YEAR.

Open the door with the silver key of Hope, that it may close on the golden hinge of Prosperity.

AN EASY BERTH. Medical Assistants complain that they are overworked and underpaid; and yet their employers generally dispense with their labour.

A SPECULATOR'S APOLOGY. -You can't make the pot boil without bubbles.

THE PURSUIT OF ART UNDER DIFFICULTIES.- Meeting a Dun in the Octagon Room at the Academy.

THE BEST CHRISTMAS-BOX. -A Box at the Adelphi, to see WRIGHT in anything.

HOW TO CHOOSE ROгE.-If you want a good serviceable rope, the strongest you can select is a rope of Onions.

THE EMBLEM OF FOOLHARDINESS.- Sheep's head and pluck.

THE PIKE IS A VORACIOUS FISH, AND BITES VERY READILY IN THE WINTER MONTHS."

OLD GENTLEMAN IS VERY FOND OF FISHING

THE SEVEN WONDERS OF LONDON.

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ON AND AFTER THE FIRST OF JANUARY THERE WILL BE A GREAT IMPROVEMENT IN THE
MANNERS OF CAB AND OMNIBUS-DRIVERS.

Omnibus-Driver. "I BEG YOU A THOUSAND PARDONS, I AM SURE."
Cabman. "OH, PRAY, DON'T MENTION IT. IT'S OF NO CONSEQUENCE, BELIEVE ME!

THINGS TO BE REMEMBERED.

A HUNDRED of coals is eighty pounds.

A woman of thirty is twoand-twenty.

An eightpenny cab-fare is one-and-sixpence.

A butt of Sherry is often a barrel of Marsala.

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