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SINCE the days of the illustrious Andrew MarvelL, Mr. Punch is the first paid M.P.—that is, Member
for Punch-who, being paid, has sedulously given all his heart and all his soul to the interests of his many thousands of Constituents. To be sure, the salary of Mr. Punch as M.P. is but small-an inconsiderable threepence per head per week ;-but it is the principle enshrined in that unassuming threepence that makes the wages a glory and an honour. Not the money, but the sentiment of the money; not the flower, but the odour that is the soul of the flower.
At this time, when some thousand English gentlemen--we will say a thousand-are standing before their country ; indeed, not so much standing as kneeling before it, with their right hands on their waistcoats, and their left upraised, protesting that they have no such earthly hope as the hope that shall carry them to the House of Winds, in Westminster; at such a time, with such a rivalry without, MR.. Punch does feel even more than his usual complacency in his back parlour, knowing that without raising himself the eighth of an inch from his easy chair, that without even purchasing an inch of ribbon, blue or yellow (the blue to show his love of Truth, the truth of the Hustings having, time out of mind, been beaten blue; the yellow, to show his contempt of the gold of the Minister), Mr. Punch will be returned as M.P. for the whole empire ; elected as the supplementary Six Hundred and Fifty-Ninth Member and Moderator of the old, acknowledged, constitutional 658. And this, without any effort on his part ; with no treating, no music; with not so much as the froth of one bottle of ginger-beer ; without one note from a hireling trumpet.
Now this was the belief simmering in the heart of PUNCH : such was the philosophical calmness in which—as in his easy morning-gown-he was clothed from shoulders to heel, when it was announced to him by his Boy, who has seen so much of what are called the first people of the day, that from a lively child, the poor fellow has become absolutely dull—that a Deputation of the Empire was down stairs (at least the head of the Deputation; for it was long as the Sea-Snake, and with merely its head in No. 85 Fleet Street: its tail, in which were joints from India and all the Colonies, was curling round Charing-Cross) and pressed in the urgent manner, usual with Deputations, for an interview.
“There's no help for it,” thought Punch; and so, calling into his face that sympathetic, benevolent, protective look that he once saw illumine the features of Derby when, as the Farmer's Friend, he assured the men of Chawbeans-cum-Bacon, that they should have justice, and that wheat should be anything they liked a quarter--with this hopeful and paternal smile upon his features, Mr. Punch received the Head of the Deputation.
“Gentlemen,” said Punch, resolved to be short, “of course I shall continue to represent you. Go home, be happy, ană make yourselves easy on that point. I shall not speak of my principles. The One-and-Twenty Volumes of my life
(“Two-and-Twenty," said our boy, in correction.)
“That is, the Two-and-Twenty-for on this day appears the Twenty-Second ” (the Head of the Deputation seemed duly impressed with the fact)—“lie open before you. The Works of my Life! Turn over the leaves, gentlemen : lay your finger if you can upon any violation of any principle. There, gentlemen, in black and white, are the eleven important years of my existence; years dedicated to your service-and, through you, to the service, and solace, and satisfaction of the world.
“Gentlemen, I am the Paid Member for all England. The only Paid Member. Every man las his price. The price of Punch is Threepence—Fourpence stamped.
“I do not know, gentlemen, that I can add anything to this agreeable fact. Of course, I wish every year to be worthier of your confidence—your admiration : but I do not see how it is to be done. The possibility of the thing, as Mr. DISRAELI says of Protection, seems to loom in the future ; but further than the possibility, anything more than seeming— with MR. DISRAELI--I cannot even venture to predict.
“ You will, therefore, gentlemen, receive the assurance of my distinguished consideration; and with it, the conviction that during the next Parliament—and all Parliaments to be continued--MR. Punch will be at his post."
Next morning, I read in the Times that “the Deputation took their leave of the Hon. Gentleman, highly satisfied with his condescension, and with the very flattering result of their interview.”
VOLUME XXII.--JANUARY TO JUNE, 1852.
THE RUSSELL CABINET.-1852.
THE DERBY CABINET–1852.
First Lord of the Treasury
LORD Johx RUSSELL. Lord Chancellor
LORD TRURO. Chancellor of the Exchequer SIR C. Wood. Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Earl or CARLISLE. President of the Council
MARQUIS OF LANSDOWXE. Lord Privy Seal
EARL OF MINTO. Home Office
SIR GEORGE GREY. Foreign Office
Earl GRANVILLE. Colonial Office
Earl GREY. Admiralty
SIR FRANCIS THORNHILL BARING. Board of Trade
MR. H. LABOUCHERE. Board of Control
Right Hon. Fox MACLE. Postmaster-General
MARQUIS OF CLAYRICARDE. First Commissioner of Works, &c. LORD SEYMOUR.
First Lord of the Treasury
EARL OF DERBY, :
LORD ST. LEONARDS.
EARL or LonsdaLE.
MARQUIS OF SALISBURY.
Right Hon. SPENCER H. WALPOLE.
EARL OF MALMESBURY,
Sir John SOMERSET PAKINGTON.
DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND. Board of Trade.
Right Hon J. WARNER HENLEY. Board of Control
Right Hon. Jous C. HERRIES.
EARL OF HARDWICKE.
PAOE THIE condition of England at the commencement of 1852
what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as diswas most satisfactory. Trade was brisk and prosperous,
tinctly to what she is giving her Royal sanction. Secondly, having onco
given her sanction to a mersure, that it may be not arbitrarily altered or mothe labouring population well employed, and even the agri- dified by the Minister. Such an act she must consider as failing in sincerity cultural community less noisy and grumbling than it had been
towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her constitus
tional right of dismissing that Minister. She expects to be kept informed of for some years past. The large supplies of gold from Australia what passes between him and the foreign Ministers before important decisions and California added to the general prosperity, and although
are taken, based upon that intercourse; to receive tbe foreign despatches in
good time, and to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient the condition of France gave much uneasiness to the friends of time to make herself acquainted with their contents before they imust be sent peace in England, we were on satisfactory relations with all the
off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord Jobn Russell should show this letter
to Lord Palmerston.' world excepting the Kaflirs in South Africa, and with whom a “I sent that accordingly, and received a letter in wbich tho noble Lord lingering and vexatious war continued.
"'I have taken a copy of this memorandum of the Queen, and will not fail The political horizon, however, was not unclouded. A to attend to the directions which it contains.' scrious difference had arisen in the Cabinet between the Prime
" The first important transaction in wbich Lord Palmerston had taken part
since the end of the last session of Parliament, was his reception of a deputa. Mirister and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and tion of delegates from certain Metropolitan parishes, respecting the treatresulted in the dismissal even of LORD PALMERSTON. The cause
ment of the Hungarian refugees by the Turkish Government. On this
occasion he (Lord John Russell) thought that his noble friond had exhibited of this disruption was thus explained in the House of Commons some want of due caution, but he gave him the credit of supposing that this by LORD JOHN RUSSELL, and requires to be given somewhat
was through an oversight. The next occasion to which he thought it neces
sary to refer, related to the events which had taken place on tho 2nd of at length :
December, in France. The instructions conveyed to our Ambassador from
the Qucen's Government were to abstain from all interference in the internal “It will be right, said the noble Lord, that I should first state to the House affairs of that country. Being informed of an alleged conversation betwcen what I conceive to be the position which a Secretary of State holds as regards Lord Palmerston and the French Ambassador repugnant to these instructhe Crown in the administration of foreign affairs, and as regards the Prime tions, he (Lord John) had written to that noble Lord, but his inquiries had Minister of this country. With respect to the first, I should state that when for some days met with a disdainful silence, Lord Palmerston, having meanthe Crown, in consequence of a vote of the House of Commons, places its while, without the knowledge of his colleagues, written a despatch containing constitutional confidence in a Minister, that Minister is, on the other hand, instructions to Lord Normanby, in which he, however, evaded the question, bound to afford to the Crown the most frank and full detail of every measure whether he had approved the act of the President. The noble Lord's courso that is taken, or to leave to the Crown its full liberty, a liberty which the of proceeding in this matter he considered to be putting himself in the placo Crown must possess, of saying that the Minister no longer possesses its con- of the Crown, and passing by the Crown, while he gave the moral approbation fidence. Such I hold to be the general doctrine. But, as regards the noble of England to the acts of the President of the Republic of France, in direct Lord, it did so happen that in August, 1850, the procise terms were laid down opposition to the policy which the Government had hitherto pursued. Under in a communication on the part of Her Majesty with respect to the transac- these circumstances, he (Lord John Russell) bad no alternative but to declaro tion of business between the Crown and the Secretary of State. I became that while he was Prime Minister Lord Palmerston could not hold the seals the organ of making that communication to my noble friend, and thus of office, and he had assumed the sole and entire responsibility of advising became responsible for the document I am about to read from. I shall refer the Crown to require the resignation of his noble friend, who, though he had only to that part of the document which has reference to the immediate forgotten and neglected what was due to the Crown and bis colleagues, had subject :
not, he was convinced, intended any personal disrespect. Lord John depre“'The Queen requires, first, that Lord Palmerston will distinctly state cated in very earnest terms all harsh criticism upon the conduct of the ruler