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NAVY DEPARTMENT,

August 20, 1846.

Commodore :

Your several letters of the 14th, 15th, and 17th instant have been received. As soon as the two new steamers Spitfire and Vixen shall be, in all respects, ready for sea, you will assume the command of them.

I enclose you, herewith, copies of orders sent to Capt. Stringham and Commander Nicholson, of the 18th and 19th inst. You will consider them so far modified, that if it will not occasion more than two days' delay, the two steamers may leave New York together and proceed to Havana, from which port you will send Commander Nicholson to Chagres in the steamer which may prove best calculated for that service.

You will then proceed to join the squadron in the Gulf of Mexico, under command of Commodore Conner, and upon your arrival at Vera Cruz, you will report to that officer for the purpose of relieving Captain Fitzhugh in the command of the U. S. steamer Mississippi.

If a greater delay will be occasioned by the foregoing arrangement than is anticipated, you will direct the steamer which may be first prepared to proceed at once with Commander Nicholson in conformity with the enclosed orders, and when ready, you will proceed yourself to join the squadron in the other steamer.

You are authorized to hoist a red pendant, if you think proper, but your command and pay, after joining the squadron, will not be affected by it.

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Commodore Perry, having consented to accept an inferior command, has been ordered to proceed to the Gulf of Mexico to relieve Captain Fitzhugh in the command of the U. S. steamer Mississippi.

Enclosed herewith is a copy of the order addressed to Commodore Perry, of

VOL. XIV.-No. 1.-7

the 20th instant, together with copies of letters to Capt. Stringham* and Commander Nicholson,* therein referred to; also a copy of the order to Capt. Fitzhugh, of the 21st instant.

COMMODORE DAVID CONNER,

Com'g Home Squadron.

Very respectfully,

(Signed)

G. BANCROFT

PRESIDENT BUCHANAN

The strong prejudice which existed against President Buchanan at the breaking out of the Civil War, and not yet entirely dispelled from the minds of many of his political opponents, may, in a great degree, be truly ascribed to a misapprehension of his real motives and modes of action. As a case in point, there is a little piece of secret history, which, in justice to his memory, ought no longer to be kept concealed. It relates to a private letter of his to Ex-President Tyler, which was found among Mr. Tyler's papers when his house was entered by United States soldiers during the war. It was written when the Peace Convention, presided over by Mr. Tyler, was in session in Washington. The warmest relations existed between him and President Buchanan, and great hopes were based on the action of that convention. As a matter of course, the President was anxious to avoid everything which might, in the remotest degree, disturb its tranquillity, and in deference to Mr. Tyler's judgment and wishes, he had indicated a willingness to dispense with the usual parade of United States troops on the occasion of the celebration of Washington's Birthday, the 22d of February. Meantime, as a matter of routine, the Secretary of War, Hon. Joseph Holt, had, without of course consulting the President, given the customary order calling out the troops on that day. Meeting the Secretary late on the evening of the 21st, the President, having committed himself to Mr. Tyler, was much concerned to learn that such an order had been issued, and that, in all probability, it was too late, as it proved, to prevent its insertion in the National Intelligencer, to which it had in the regular course of events been sent for promulgation. Greatly fearing from Mr. Tyler's representations, that the people might accept the display as a menacing demonstration, especially as a troop of Flying Artillery, just ordered from the West for the protection of the Capital, was to form part of the military procession, the President at once directed that the order be countermanded, and General Scott was so informed in time to prevent the assembling of the United States troops on the morning of the 22d. All this, however, was unknown to the people, who had filled the streets and avenues in expectation of witnessing the grand parade; and after waiting impatiently an hour or

* Of no consequence in this connection.-P. S. P. Conner.

more for the appearance of the United States troops, only the militia of the District having come out, a startling rumor reached the ears of the crowd that the order which had appeared in the Intelligencer calling out the troops had been countermanded; thereupon a distinguished friend of the President hastened to the War Department, where he found the President and Secretary of War together, and in a state of great excitement, inquired if the rumor was correct. Learning that it was, his earnest protest and representations made so deep an impression on the President that he authorized the Secretary of War to confer immediately with General Scott in order to see, late as it was, if the original order could not be carried into effect. This was done, and although General Scott said the soldiers had been dismissed and all of the officers had doffed their uniforms, rendering it doubtful whether the order could be obeyed, nevertheless, he would, if possible, see it executed. Fortunately he succeeded and everything passed off well. The next morning the Intelligencer said:

"The military parade was of course the chief feature of the day. It might be said the double military parade, for while that of the morning was composed of the militia companies only, there was a subsequent general parade in which the United States troops formed a conspicuous part. The Artillery were the especial mark of interest, and their parade on Pennsylvania Avenue dissipated all sense of fatigue from the thousands who had been abroad from almost 'the dawn of day.' The rapidity with which the guns and magazines were manned and prepared for action was startling to those unaccustomed to artillery practice. While they were on the avenue they were at times as completely enveloped in the dust they stirred up as they would have been in the smoke of battle."

Thus, we have briefly, the main circumstances under which the following letter was written, on account of which letter President Buchanan has been severely censured. It was a simple explanation to Mr. Tyler of the reasons which had led him to permit the military display, that under the previous understanding would not otherwise have taken place.

My dear Sir :

WASHINGTON, Feb'y 22, 1861.

I find it impossible to prevent two or three companies of the Federal troops from joining in the procession to-day with the volunteers of the District without giving serious offense to the tens of thousands of people who have assembled to witness the parade. The day is the anniversary of Washington's birth-a festive occasion throughout the land-and it has been particularly marked by the House of Representatives. These troops everywhere else join such processions in honor of the birthday of the Father of his country, and it would be hard to assign a good reason why they should be excluded from this privilege in the capital founded by himself. They are here simply as a posse comitatus to aid the civil authorities in case of need. Besides, the programme was published in the National Intelligencer

of this morning without my knowledge, the War Department having considered the celebration of this national anniversary by the military arm of the government as a matter of course.

Mr. TYLER.

From your friend, very respectfully,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

Happily, as already observed, the celebration was a success; and what was especially gratifying, the presence and wonderful manoeuvring of the light artillery companies, not forgetting the splendid bearing of the dragocns, and the dismounted companies headed by Duane's detachment of sappers and miners, had the effect to allay, in great degree, the feeling of insecurity which for some time had existed to an alarming extent, not only in Washington, but throughout the country, before the arrival of these troops.

WASHINGTON, D.C., June, 1885.

HORATIO KING.

THE MANUFACTURE OF NAILS

This was one of the household industries of New England during the eighteenth century. In a speech in Congress in 1789, Fisher Ames said: "It has become common for the country people in Massachusetts to erect small forges in their chimney corners; and in winter, and in evenings, when little other work can be done, great quantities of nails are made even by children. These people take the rod iron of the merchant and return him the nails, and in consequence of this easy mode of barter the manufacture is prodigiously great."

Nearly all the bloomary and refinery forges and old-style furnaces of New England have long since disappeared, and in their stead have grown up reproductive iron industries of almost endless variety and vast extent, employing large numbers of skilled mechanics, and adding greatly to the productive wealth of the country. The rolling mills, machine shops, hardware establishments, nail and tack factories, foundries, and other iron enterprises of New England, together with a few steel works and modern blast furnaces, form to-day a striking contrast to bog-ore and other bloomaries, not much larger than a blacksmith's fire, and the small charcoal furnaces and chimney-corner nail factories of the last century.-Swank's Iron in All Ages.

NOTES

AN AMERICAN PRINCESS-A gentleman in the Admiralty has lately received a present from a friend in North America, being the body of an American Princess, supposed to have been buried upwards of four hundred years ago; it was enveloped in a goat's skin, and appears as fresh as if buried but yesterday.— The Middlesex Journal, London, Nov. 28, 1772.

PETERSFIELD

REINFORCEMENT OF FORT SUMTER IN 1861-Extract from a Cabinet paper, Washington, March 15, 1861, from the pen of William H. Seward. "The question submitted to us by the President practically is: Supposing it to be possible to reinforce and supply Fort Sumter, is it wise now to attempt it, instead of withdrawing the garrison?

The most that could be done by any means now in our hands would be to throw two hundred and fifty to four hundred men into the garrison with provisions for supplying it five or six months. In this active and enlightened country, in this season of excitement, with a daily press, daily mails, and an incessantly operating telegraph, the design to reinforce and supply the garrison must become known to the opposite party at Charleston as soon at least as preparation for it should begin. The garrison would then almost certainly fall by assault before the expedition could reach the harbor of Charleston. But supposing the secret kept, the expedition must engage in conflict on entering the harbor of Charleston; suppose it to be overpowered and destroyed, is that new outrage to be avenged, or are we then to

return to our attitude of immobility? Should we be allowed to do so? Moreover, in that event, what becomes of the garrison?

I suppose the expedition successful. We have then a garrison in Fort Sumter that can defy assault for six months. What was it to do then? Is it to make war by opening its batteries and attempting to demolish the defenses of the Carolinians? Can it demolish them if it tries? If it cannot, what is the advantage we shall have gained? If it can, how will it serve to check or prevent disunion?"-Baker's Diplomatic History of the War for the Union.

CONTINENTAL UNIFORMS-The following items appear in a list of clothing received from Boston and Philadelphia at Albany for the use of the Northern Army in 1777:

"Rifle shirts, Private and Sergeants coats, blue faced red, brown faced red, brown faced white, brown faced green, drab faced red, drab faced green. Drummers and fifers coats, green faced blue. Cloth breeches and waistcoats of a red, flesh color, and common color, and striped homespun woolen. Leather and strong linen breeches. White Dowlas shirts."” W. K.

HISTORY-It does not require any vast amount of experience to see the aid and practical benefits derived from at knowledge of general history, for we can scarcely take up a subject that is not linked and related to the past. The very words we use in common conversation have their origin in the past. The

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