plainly. I did see Lord Ossory on Tuesday, and you will find that though I avoided details, my answer was the outline of what had passed. It is a subject on which I never love to write; because, to begin, it has the air of an air, which I dislike; and when one answers, one cannot, at every sentence, say, "Pray don't repeat this;" or, "This may be repeated." And yet that is necessary on points that occasion discussion, and on which one does not like to be quoted. Considering what a crop there is of discordant opinions, and the quantity of matter that enters into head-dresses at present, it will be very serious, Madam, if the ladies come to pulling caps. The fields of battle will be strewed with strange fragments! but everything seems to be returning to chaos! I am come back to this little nook, in hopes it will escape the general hurly-burly. Lord Ossory agreed with my sentiments more almost than any man I meet with. Mine about this country, I own, are total despair: nor do I see from our present position, our present generation of actors, and from our present enemies, whence aught but ruin should come, either to the nation or constitution, and probably to both,—and if either is undone what signifies the other? The felicity of universal confusion encourages a war within a war; and the attention to the internal one will absorb all regard to the other; and by the time absolute power is attained, it will, like abstract powers, be charming in speculation, but prove to be nothing but the vis inertia. I am weary of such scenes and prospects, and have quitted them. There may, perhaps, be farther combustions; but whether expected or not, we shall affect to expect them, and prepare-not to prevent, but to profit of them; which, I doubt, was a little the case lately. Have you never known a chambermaid, Madam, that would tick at a chandler's shop to the amount of six or seven shillings, rather than part with a favourite crown-piece? I have got the print of Lady Gertrude [Fitzpatrick],' but it is poorly executed, and faint and unfinished; however, it is sweetly pretty, though it has not half the countenances of the original. Pray tell me, when you have taken one, where your new house is. Do you really move, like a pawn, only an inch farther in Grosvenor Place ? My hay is cut, and it has rained all day: well, Madam, is it not 1 From Sir Joshua Reynolds' picture of her as a child in my possession.— R. VERNON SMITH. better to have only annual distresses, than to attend to old Madam England's cancers and amputation of limbs ? I am trying to learn all the doctrines of selfishness, and to care for nothing but my own enjoyments. If it is true that the love of one's country and such virtues are but emanations of self-love, is it not wise to lop them when they no longer flatter one's vanity? In short, to speak with the dignity that becomes every man who prefers himself to all the world, if my country is ever worthy of me I will think on it again! if the prodigal does not return and repent, I will eat the fatted calf by myself. 1989. TO THE COUNTESS OF OSSORY. Strawberry Hill, June 29, 1780. IF your Ladyship did not give me themes, I should certainly not think of writing, for I know nothing but what the 'Morning Chronicle' said yesterday, and have thought on nothing but my hay, though I have not a load half so big as a lady's head-dress; but the weather is so benevolent, that I sit amongst the reapers till nine at night, and do not wish myself on the parade. I had heard of Lord Grantham's match, and suppose he has contracted some Spanish ideas, and minds blood more than beauty. If the lady ceases to be your neighbour, she will become more your acquaintance. I know no more of the Duchess of Ancaster's misfortunes, and heard before I came out of town that Lady Willoughby was out of danger. The Princess Daskiou was here this morning with her horde of Tartars, but I kept out of sight, having nothing to regale her but one old horse. I have paid my visit to Lord and Lady Sefton, who do not suit me quite so well as poor Lady Blandford. Have you heard, Madam, that on Lord Effingham's coming to life, report has shot old Lord Godolphin? The monument to be sure would as soon head a riot. I have deferred my journey to Malvern for a fortnight or three weeks; I shall regret Strawberry less in August; and, besides, have been remarkably well for this last fortnight; and, besides, find it mighty difficult to set about anything, so totally is all my activity gone. I think there is nothing but your Ladyship that has not lost influence over me. You can make me exert even a talent I never had, as I am going to give you a proof. The lines are indifferent enough, but prompt obedience, like charity, can cover a dozen bad verses; and as I scribbled them while the Tartars were in the house, and send them by the return of the post, you may be sure I do not think them fit to be shown, and beg you will not let them go out of your hands. The theme was too good not to be better treated; and what will do in a private letter will not stand criticism, and still less, if taken for a cool design of venting indignation; but here they are, and if they will provoke Mr. Fitzpatrick to write better, you and I shall both be better satisfied. When mitred masters o'er a groaning land No more our woods are ours; our mansions slide Heart and assert are bad rhymes, and do not agree in sound or sense, but are like an address that echoes a Royal Speech with the unfelt protestations of slaves. Pray send me directions to your camp; do the Infantas make the campaign? The report here is that the Parliament is immediately to be dissolved, in hopes of another phoenix rising out of the ashes of London. In that case I conclude Lady Gertrude will remain at Ampthill to keep open house. The province of Bedfordshire I trust will stick close to the house. 1940. TO THE REV. WILLIAM MASON. June 29, 1780. SINCE the great combustion I have not known what to write, no did Mr. Stonhewer know where you are. I shall prepare this against he sends me word whither to direct it, as he has promised. My opinion of the causes of the late tumults is a very vague one, nor shall I decide till I learn more. Whatever Lord G. Gordon meant, Anti-Catholicism seems not only to have had little, but even only a momentary hand in the riots. Some Americans, perhaps, taught by the lessons we have given them of burning towns, joined in the opportunity; a thousand discontents added others, and all the indigent villains in London seized the opportunity and improved it, not to mention how many concurred from wanton folly without design. The Court at first had a mind to bestow a plot on France, Spain, and the Americans, but now seem to abandon that plan. France, solicited by American agents, might as she used to do when teased by the Jacobites, contribute a little money, a few arms, and some rogues, of whom she was willing to disburthen herself, but I do not imagine it was a branch of her political schemes to burn London. She would have had some force ready to pour in and distract us in some other quarter, while the army should be all drawn to the capital. I am much more inclined to suppose that a Court plot was engrafted early on the prospect of tumults, nay, negative plots. I do not believe they intended to have Lord Stormont mobbed, Lord Sandwich almost murdered, nor Lord Mansfield's house destroyed, but Sir George Savile, the Duke of Richmond, and Burke, were more devoted by the zealot part of the mob than any of the Cabinet; so few or such no precautions were taken after such provoking notice had been given by Lord George Gordon, that it is not very injurious to conclude that a necessity for calling the Army together to suppress an insurrection was no very disagreeable opportunity. It has certainly answered so roundly, that I do believe the machinist would forgive the imputation, in consideration of the honour it would do to his policy. Even Lord Mansfield has risen like a phoenix from the flames, and vomits martial law, as if all law books were burnt as well as his own; nay, like his plate, almost all Party is melted into a mass of bullion Loyalty. This was a moment I have long dreaded! I had no doubt but the Court wished insurrections. It was strong enough at home to suppress them, and the suppression would unite all the military and militia, and all under one standard, and so I am persuaded it has already. To complete our destruction there is an universal Anarchy of opinion; no three men agree on any three propositions. Lord Shelburne and Lord Rockingham are bitter enemies. Burke, who has declared himself educated by an Anabaptist, is mad for toleration. The Duke of Richmond and Charles Fox agree with him on that point, while the Duke is as violent for annual parliaments as the Rockinghams against them. Lord Shelburne, Lord Camden, and the Duke of Grafton are as strongly anti-papistic. The Court indeed is as full of dissension; but if interest divides men it reunites them too, which is not the case of opinions; and such a multitude of them has been indiscreetly broached by opposition itself, that while the Court keeps steady to two points only, prerogative and the subjugation of America, it may perhaps succeed, at least in the first, before opposition will agree on a single one. The Court would carry the other also, I think, if it had the sense to temporise and consent to a tolerable pacification; but having had originally no fund of genuine wisdom, and having squandered foolishly and anticipated all its resources, it will as usual mistake prosperity for means, and blunder away its opportunities under the notion of firmness. France and ten thousand other concurrent impediments will lie still in the way, so that the whole of my reasoning centres in this, that we are in every light undone; that anarchy will reign for some time, and despotism succeed when we are as much ruined by labouring towards it, as we should have been in a few years if it had taken place when first projected. This is the sketch of my present thoughts: whether consistent with other letters that I have written to you lately, I cannot remember. I generally judge from the complexion of circumstances, nor do I know a better guide in times when a nation is at its dregs, and the men that do think and act from principle are not only few, but distracted by subdivisions of sentiments, and have no one general system in common. My idea was to adhere to the precise line of the constitution, as a standard of union, and to endeavour to restore it, but that moment is gone, or never was arrived: I see nothing now before me on which to count, except the folly that governs, and which may throw away the advantages it has recovered. That is our sole chance; I have no head for calculating chances, but still less for computing what good may arise out of folly, mischief, and wickedness. There has been more than one negotiation for partial changes, and on very different foundations. Lord Rockingham at the very moment that the public thought him more than leaning towards the Ministers, took the opportunity of reading a very explicit lecture against them in the closet. At this instant (June 23rd) I think it much more likely that the Parliament will be soon dissolved, trusting to the terror spread by the late tumults that none but good Catholics will be returned. The army no doubt will be retained at the head-quarters, unless France should call it off, which does not |