NAPOLEON AVERSE TO RIDICULE.

THE late Emperor of France was extremely fearful "de se donner en ridicule." One day, in his private apartments, he was talking on the subject of airballoons. One of his courtiers observed, that he had heard, that the fearless spirit of the emperor, even in childhood, had led him to ascend in an air-balloon. Napoleon saw something ludicrous in this anecdote, which he declared was wholly unfounded, I appeal to you," he said with great naiveté, turning to the Baron de **** who was present, "whether that is in my way."

66

THE QUESTION OF NAPOLEON'S LEGITIMACY.

MUCH having been said respecting the usurpation of the French throne by Napoleon, we will in few words make our readers acquainted with the situation in which France stood with the continental powers, previous and subsequent to his coronation, a document by no means unworthy the serious consideration of those who feel interested in the political events of Europe since the decapitation of Louis XVI.

After the death of Louis, the flight of his brothers, and the demise of the dauphin, the French being bound to no legitimate princes, made use of their natural right of election, and instituted such a form of government as they conceived necessary under the existing state of things. From that period all the ties between France and the Bourbons were severed, and in consequence that family, politically

speaking, ceased to exist. The new government of France, so constituted, was recognised by all the powers: in 1795 the treaty of Basil was signed between France and Prussia; on the 22d of July following another treaty was ratified at the same place between the republic and Spain, which on the 7th of June, 1796, was further cemented, and a treaty of alliance entered into with the executive directory. On the 15th of May in the same year Sardinia signed a treaty with the republican government, which on the 15th of October was followed by that of Naples. The pope, the petty German States, and Italy equally recognised the new order of things in France. The treaty of Campo Formio was signed with Austria under the Directory, and that of Luneville when Buonaparte filled the post of first consul. Every power in succession equally ratified the consular government, which upon the first of Brumaire, tenth year of the republic, proclaimed a general peace. England in turn by the treaty of Amiens of the 1st of October, 1801, Spain by that of the 27th of March, 1802, and Russia on the 8th of October, of the same year, severally recognised the consular government of France.

Upon Napoleon's being chosen emperor by the unanimous voice of the people, Austria allowed his title, by the treaty of Presburgh, signed the 26th of December, 1805; the same ratification elevating to regal dignity the sovereigns of Bavaria and of Wirtemberg, who were at that epoch the allies of France. On the 11th of December, 1807, the elector of Saxony equally received the title of king, by virtue of the treaty of Posen concluded with Napoleon.

Did Europe in any one instance dispute the legitimacy of these titles ratified by the emperor? Did she not recognise in him the imperial dignity, which France had voluntarily conferred? Prussia, by the treaty of Tilsit signed on the 6th of July, 1807, acknowledged the French empire, and consequently Napoleon as emperor. The autocrat of Russia, in virtue of the same treaty, not only allowed Napoleon the title of emperor, but equally sanctioned the kingly rights of his brothers. In short, the treaties of the 14th of October, 1809, and of the 6th of January, 1810, between France and Sweden equally rendered valid the new dynasty placed upon the throne of France. From such incontrovertible evidence it cannot for a moment be denied that the whole of Europe had become the ally of Napoleon. Some family alliances between branches of that of the emperor and several of the most illustrious houses of Europe tended still more to consolidate the social compact established in France; and was it not after the guarantee of the constitution of the French empire, and the various treaties contracted with the sovereigns and foreign powers, that Maria Louisa, Archduchess of Austria, became the consort of the Emperor Napoleon, and gave birth to the imperial Prince, Charles Francis Napoleon, King of Rome?

Wherefore then was Napoleon branded as an usurper? Royalty having been abolished in France, she was everywhere recognised as an empire. The reins of government were confided to Napoleon, who ascended a vacant throne: consequently he could be no usurper under such circumstances: Napoleon occupied the place of no one: he only de

throned the DEMON OF ANARCHY. Upon his abdication, which was voluntarily made to spare the effusion of French blood and the horrors of civil war; did he not make his determination known to the allied powers, by the Dukes of Tarentum and of Vicenza, and by the Prince of Moskwa, stating that he deposed the crown in favour of his son? Was not this abdication deemed sufficient to ensure the peace of Europe, till by a succession of events these just resolves were revoked? Since the allies, then, merely waged war against Napoleon; why, after he had quitted France for ever, and the crown was placed on the head of his son under his august mother, did they change the dynasty and disappoint a people who cherished the offspring of their former ruler: had not this been done, victims without number would still have existed to contemplate the felicity of France, the justice of the allies, and the resignation of the hero.

If Napoleon was not a legitimate, towards what European throne are we to direct our eyes in order to hail the person of A LEGAL OCCUPANT?-The fact is that, as the Emperor Napoleon himself expressed on a certain occasion, " CHANCE and FORCE are the only legitimate kings in the world."

THE ANTICHAMBER FOR DEPENDENT SOVE

REIGNS.

It was reserved for Buonaparte to add to the legitimate suite of royal waiting rooms, that of the salle des rois, he being the only sovereign of Europe who found it necessary to provide a waiting room for tributary kings.

One of these kings, an old legitimate, was observed by the Duke de NOAILLES (the father-in-law of General La Fayette) to be un roi d'antichambre, and he entrusted him with a mémoire to the emperor concerning some private affairs. When, from time to time, the duke asked his majesty the success of his mission, his constant reply was, 66 à vous dire vrai, Monsieur le Duc, je n'ai jamais pu trouver le moment." "To tell you the truth, Monsieur le Duc, I have never been able to find an opportunity."Monsieur le Duc at length withdrew his mémoire, and at the next levee-day had no difficulty himself à trouver le moment.

Another of these antichamber potentates of Napoleon was the Prince of Monaco. He was the first to turn with Buonaparte's reverses; and on the emperor's return from Elba he took flight. Buonaparte met him on the road, and seizing him by the breast of his coat, he asked abruptly, " Où allez-vous, Monaco?" "Where are you going, Monaco?"Monaco stuttered, " Je viens-Je vais―J'alloisJ'irais," and was regularly conjugating the whole of this most irregular verb, when Buonaparte with a laugh shook him off, saying, “ Allez-vous en, Monaco, vous-êtes comme je vous ai toujours connu." "Begone, Monaco, you are what I have always found you."-Monaco ran home as fast as he could, and now exercises the most despotic rule over the lives and properties of the subjects of his little principality.

66