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REVIEWS

came many of our expert seamen; and it
was in such a school that Penn obtained that

education, at once scientific and practical,

which rendered him one of the most accom

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vantage they had formerly gotten; for it will be in the power of the enemy to board them,

and they not to avoid it; which was the only

thing coveted by the Spaniards in our time of war, by reason of the advantage of their ships, as I have before expressed.

The instructions of the Commonwealth in 1647, previous to the war with Holland, are

Memorials of the Professional Life and Times of Sir William Penn, Knt., Admiral and General of the Fleet, during the Inter-plished mariners of the age. In his twentythird year he obtained the command of a regnum; Admiral, and Commissioner_of "The strict ordering of battles by ships, was the Admiralty and Navy, after the Re- ship of twenty-eight guns, and sailed into before the invention of the bowling; for then the Irish seas, under the flag of Captain there was no sailing but before the wind, nor no storation. (From 1644 to 1670.) By GranSwanley, where he distinguished himself by fighting but by boarding; whereas, now a ship great courage, presence of mind, and a nauti-will sail within six points of thirty-two, and cal skill, surpassing that of his companions. by the advantage of wind may rout any fleet that The Parliament first, and then Cromwell, its is placed in that form of battle." master, promoted one every way so worthy; nor was it unknown to the wily Protector, that Penn was attached to the cause of the Stuarts he made him an admiral by sea and a general by land, endowed him with some of the sequestered property of the Irish royalists, and sent him out under Blake to decide whether the English or the Dutch were to be masters of the sea. Having quelled, for a time, the spirit of the sister republic, Penn was associated with Venables in that expedition in which they captured Jamaica instead of Hispaniola, and were committed to the Tower for mismanagement

ville Penn, Esq. 2 vols. London: Duncan. THE penury of English biography was lamented by Johnson, even while he was in the act of enriching it with his unequalled Lives of the Poets: some noble works of that nature have been added since his day; still we are sensible that Biography is the most barren of all the branches of our great tree of literature. There is not one class of eminent men, of whom the history is either complete or satisfactory: this is a national disgrace; and, if a nation is ever ashamed, Britain ought to be so, when she thinks of her eminent sons particularly those who have fought for her empire and existence on the great deep. With the single exception of Southey's Life of Nelson, we have no memoir of any great admiral worthy of the name. The correspondence of Collingwood supplied many valuable materials for the biographer; and we are quite certain that the Memorials of the Professional Life of Admiral Penn,' will be equally useful; nay, more so, for they throw a strong light over a period which has hitherto lain partly in darkness: they acquaint us with the condition and equipment of our fleet-of our mode of fighting-of our movements on the waters, and with the instructions which our commanders at sea received from their rulers on shore, regarding capturing fleets and conquering islands. The author seems to have entertained no desire to enter the lists as a regular biographer: all he wished, was to arrange the letters and memoranda of his eminent ancestor, connect them with slight descriptions, personal and historical, and so form a work which should have all the interest of regular biography, and the certainty of a historical document, without the labour of brooding over the varied materials, and extracting from them a narrative clear and compact.

Of the hero of the work we must give a slight sketch. Sir William Penn was born at Bristol in April 1621; and educated for the sea by his father, a captain of some note in the mercantile service. At that period the royal and mercantile navies were united on every pressing emergency: the royal ships were not numerous: the king took into his service all such merchant ships as were well armed and appointed; and it was no uncommon thing for a dozen or two of thirty-gun vessels to unite themselves with the national navy, and proceed to war instead of traffic. From this branch of the service

or disobedience. That Penn was not to blame
is better known than that he was indebted
for his imprisonment to his attachment to
the royal cause: he was not liberated for
some time, nor employed till the Restoration,
when he sailed against his old opponents, the
Dutch, under the command of his old asso-
ciate Monk-a man scarcely inferior, in
maritime skill and courage, to Blake himself.
When the war, which was more glorious than
just, terminated, Penn reposed upon his fame
and his fortune, and died at an advanced
age, leaving sons; one of whom was the
celebrated Quaker who gave his name to the
splendid settlement of Pennsylvania, now a
part of the republic of North America.

As this work is a succession of nauti-
cal documents and memoranda, made by
Admiral Penn during his various voyages,
we shall select a few of the most interesting
of these, interspersing them with snatches of
the narrative, and such remarks of our own
as the matter may require. The following
are the directions given by Sir William Mon-
son, who died in 1643, for fighting a naval
battle. Having advised his captains to get
the weather-gage of the enemy, he says—

"The wind being thus gotten, a general need give no other directions than to every admiral of a squadron to draw together their squadrons, and every one to undertake his opposite squadron, or where he shall do it for his greatest advantage; but to be sure to take a good distance of one another, and to relieve that squadron that shall be overcharged or distressed.

"Let them give warning to their ships not to venture so far as to bring themselves to leeward of the enemy; for so shall they either dishonour themselves, to see such a ship taken in their view, or in seeking to relieve her they shall bring themselves to leeward, and lose the ad

as follows:

"If any fleet shall be discovered at sea, which may probably be conjectured to have a purpose to encounter, oppose, or affront the fleet in the parliament's service, you may in that case expect more particular instructions. But, for the present, you are to take notice, that in case of joining battle, you are to leave it to the viceadmiral to assail the enemy's admiral, and to match yourself as equally as you can; to

succour the rest of the fleet as cause shall re-
afar off, nor till you come side by side."
quire; not wasting your powder, nor shooting

It appears, however, from Pepys, that, in a conversation with Penn, the latter censured the promiscuous manner in which the naval battles of the Commonwealth were fought: "The Dutch," said he, "fighting otherwise, and we whenever we beat them." Indeed, it would appear, that Penn was the first to bring science to the aid of our naval courage; his orders were to "gain the admiral's wake and form a line with him," and he imputes the promiscuous mode of fighting, which prevailed during the first Dutch war, to the circumstance of being commanded by land officers full of courage, but unacquainted with those scientific manœuvres which have since made us the conquerors in all great naval combats. On this interesting subject, we may as well quote the words of our author, the Admiral's great-grandson :—

"It is thus manifest, that from the commencement of hostilities with Holland, in 1652, the to engage in line; and, indeed, the example of English seaman's principle of naval tactics was the Dutch, under their experienced lieutenantadmiral, Van Tromp, would alone have compelled them, in their inexperience, to do the

same.

The promiscuous fighting in the first Dutch war, therefore, is not to be ascribed to the navy of that day, but to the land-commanders, or shore-admirals, set over the fleet; who pertinaciously adhered to the old English practice of engaging ship and ship, until experience taught them the necessity of sometimes listening to those who had learned better than themselves what a fleet is, and how it might be best managed for the destruction of an enemy. Until this new occasion, the English had fought their naval battles promiscuously, as in their attack on the Spanish Armada in 1588. But, when the English fleet riding in the Downs witnessed Van Tromp with his fleet, at the back of

the Goodwins, bear down in six divisions on the Spanish Armada of 1639, and defeat and disperse that vast armament before their eyes, a new view of naval tactics was opened at once to the apprehension of the seamen, imparting to them new notions which could not fail to be well retained, and turned to good account by some. They beheld, for the first time, instead of the mere multiplied action of single ships, to which their experience had hitherto been confined, the combined action of a fleet, and the multiplied power of the combination. And when, at length, a time arrived that they were to enter the watery lists with that same skilful and exercised admiral, those who were seamen had acquired a conviction that they must relinquish the former inadequate practice, and employ their fleets in a manner corresponding to that of their great antagonist and instructor. But though the seamen had acquired that conviction, the armyadmirals had not received it; and being sud

from fooling us,' was no other than the common
maxim of the navy, from the commencement of
the civil war; and the recorded sentiment of
Blake, 'that he would as soon lose his life for
the king as for the parliament,' is an additional
evidence of his unanimity with the service he
had adopted."

How battles were fought, and how admi-
rals described them, may be gathered from
the letter which Blake wrote to the Council

of the Commonwealth, concerning his first
encounter with De Ruyter and De Witt; it
is from a MS. copy of the despatch among
Penn's papers:—

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Right Honourable,-My last to your ho

nours was the 28th of the last, in the morning.
About noon that day, we got sight of the Dutch
fleet standing close by a wind to the westward :
the wind then at S.W. Between three and four in

the afternoon they got their fleet together, being

denly sent to the fleet for the purpose of fight-sixty sail; and, hauling their foresails upon their
ing, they thought of fighting only, and treated
masts, made ready to fight. There was then by
with impatience the ab hoste doceri-the sug-
me, the vice-admiral and some other; but a great
gestion of departing from the practice of naval
part of the fleet was astern, by reason of their
warfare of their brave forefathers, and of learn-
late weighing in the Downs, which I suppose was
occasioned by the late storm we had there. As
soon as a considerable part was come up to us,
the Dutch then tacking, we bore in right with
them;
their admiral in the head. I commanded
no guns to be fired till we came very near them,
so that there passed many broadsides between
us and them; and, by means of their tacking,
the greatest part of our fleet came suddenly to
be engaged, and the dispute was very hot for a
short time, continuing till it was dark night.
That night we lay in sight of each other, refit-
ting our ships, which were much torn. The
next morning, being little wind and variable,
we bore with them as fast as we could; they
seeming awhile to stay for us, till afternoon, when
the wind coming northerly, they made all the sail
they could, and stood away to the eastward, to-

ing from an enemy the method by which they must beat him. Nevertheless, it is certain, that as our army are fain to acknowledge that they are indebted to foreign countries for the improvement of the art of war on land; so must our navy submit to acknowledge that they owe to the Dutch, in the person of Van Tromp, the improvement of the art of war on sea, in an engagement of fleets; and must be contented with producing Trafalgar and Waterloo as the several tests of the scholarship of the two services, That navy was now called to the arduous task of both learning from their great exemplar, and vanquishing him, at one and the same time; and that, under land-commanders, who had never contemplated the points which had so deeply engaged their consideration. It is highly probable, that Penn's early alliance by marriage with a Dutch lady of Rotterdam, previous to his station in the Irish fleet, and whilst Van Tromp was at the height of his renown, had drawn his mind to reflect particularly on the proceedings of that great admiral."

The few words which the author has bestowed on the characters of Blake and Monk, are much to the purpose; it was the practice in those days to give the command of the fleet to land-bred rather than sea-bred officers; an experiment which has not been repeated in our days; it would not, perhaps, be easy to find two such men as the great admirals of the Commonwealth were:

wards their own coast.

We followed them as much as possibly we could, they then having the wind of us. Many shots passed between some of our headmost ships and their stern fleet, but nothing could engage them. Then, it beginning to grow dark, we tacked to get our fleet together; and, if we might, get to the weather-gage. And being then half Channel over, it was advised by the captain, master and mates, the pilot and others, to lie close upon that tack till ten of the clock, that so we might have length enough to spend that night, presuming likewise that they would tack before the morning, which would again have brought us together if the wind had stood; but it pleased God that it proved but little wind that night, which was westerly. The next morning the wind came at S.W.; and "Blake loved the navy, though sent by from the topmast-head we discovered their fleet, Cromwell to control it; because he was averse and stood away after them; many of our frigates to the proceedings on shore, and rejoiced, at the ahead of us, some so far that they saw West age of fifty, to have found in the seamen a race Gable. Then, perceiving that they fled from us congenial with his own nature. It was not a as fast as they could, and bent their course for case of infusion, but of the mutual attraction of Goree, it growing less wind, I sent for the vice homogeneousness of mind and temper; a cor- and rear-admiral; and also a great part of the respondence, which existed not, in the same captains being then come aboard, for a supply entireness, between any other of the shore- of some necessaries. We advised together what admirals and the navy. If there was infusion was fittest to be done; and, it appearing that on either side, it was the seamen that infused a the merchant-ships were almuch, the most part naval taste into the gallant colonel, who so altogether, out of victuals, and ours not able to speedily became their admired and beloved ad-supply them, it was resolved that we should remiral; and who knew, that they were 'resolved' for anything, and needed not infusion, but direction and co-operation. With Monk it was different: he valiantly used the navy when it was placed under his authority, as he did his army, but his mind was with the land-service, to which he gladly returned; Blake, on the contrary, never returned to service on land, after he had once tasted of command at sea. The celebrated maxim professed by Blake, and by Granger assigned to Lawson-Tis not for us to mind state affairs, but to keep foreigners

turn to our coast.

otherwise, many of our great ships might have perished without a stroke from the enemy; for both this ship and the James touched once or twice, and the great ship (Sovereign) had three or four rubs upon the Kentish Knock. What loss the enemy hath sustained, we know not. Three of their ships were wholly disabled at the first brunt, having lost all their masts; and another, as he was towing off the rear-admiral, was taken by Capt. Mildmay: and, the second day they were many less in number than the first. The rear-admiral, and two other captains, are prisoners; who say, that they conceive, by the striking of De Witt's antient, and the putting forth another of a blue colour, that he is

slain.

"This is a true and faithful narrative of the Lord's dealing with us, and of our deportment in the last engagement. Yesterday, was brought Elvin, bound for Bourdeaux, the master whereof into our company a vessel called the State of (upon examination) says, that, about fourteen days since, three leagues off the Scawe (north point of Jutland), he met eighteen sail of our men-of-war, being about twenty-three leagues from Elsinore; and that there were in that port, upon his coming out, but eight Holland men-ofwar."

Of the romantic way in which victories were described that were never achieved, an example is given, and a curious one, from a newspaper of the period; we have, however, found something more curious still-namely, a snatch of rude verse and rougher prose, contained in the Laughing Mercury of 1652, and headed, "For the right understanding of all the mad merry people of England."

in

"Now Neptune binds his curled brow,
His rolling billows tumble;
The Dutch do sink, the Lord knows how:
Tarpaulins curse and grumble,

Our navy brave, stout men-of-war.
That in the Channel ride,
Will make those sons of pitch and tar
Full dearly rue their pride.
The devil sure intends a feast,

For to invite all rich men,
Having provided at the least
A shoal of pickled Dutchmen.
Avant, ye sponges, sowes in ruffes,
Amboyna we'll revenge!
When we have made the sea your tomb,

We'll squeeze out your Orenge. doublets; what price bear herrings in Hol "How now, my Dutch Mullipuffs, my fat boars land now? Have ye not fished fair, and caught a frog? Ye high and mighty Dotterels, ye most illustrious pilcher-catchers; ye ingrateful Schel lums; ye larded cowards, that quarrel with those that have formerly been your strength, your defence, your bulwark, your hands, your aiders, and protectors, your harbingers, your friends, in all your distresses, to furnish you with men, ships, gold, silver, ordnance, &c.! How many honourable and renowned English have sacrificed their dearest blood in your redemp tion from the ambition and tyranny of proud Spain, who usurped over your lives, consciences, and estates, by their cruel inquisition! Have we not been your schoolmasters, that have taught you both wit and valour? Did not K. Jemmy give you back Flushing, Brill, Ramekins? Could Spain's red and white earth (though it ruined poor Germany) once so much as take hold on the skirts of any of your provinces, so long as you were backed by the English? And do ye thus reward us for all these kindnesses? Nay, then, expect the reward of ingratitude, and to render a strict account of your Amboyna tortures, that will never be forgotten by any true Englishman; and justice, that a long time hath slept, hath now begun to take vengeance on your perfidiousness."

"What harm we have received by loss of men, or otherwise, I cannot yet give your honours a just account. In our ship, we have only three that we know slain, whereof our lieutenant, Capt. Purvis, is one; about twenty hurt; which is a great mercy of God, considering the multitudes of shot flying among us, and our nearness each to other in the fight. We are also bound, with much thankfulness, to acknowledge God's goodness towards us, in affording us such fair In 1654, Penn sailed in conjunction with weather and smooth water at our engagement; | Venables for the West Indies; not with or

ders very particular and very positive, as Clarendon says, but with instructions leaving much to the discretion of the commanders. That the discomfiture at Hispaniola was owing to Venables, and the success at Jamaica to Penn, our author has pretty clearly proved in these volumes: he is partly borne out by the Ascough manuscripts in the British Mu

seum:

"From ten o'clock at night to this morning, we kept fair by the shore, and now we made all sail we could to get into the easternmost harbour; but before we could get in it fell calm, so that we were forced to come to an anchor half a league to the eastward of the harbour, in five fathom water; but within half an hour it sprung up a fresh gale at east. We weighed, and stood into the harbour, and came to an anchor in forty fathom water; but the general commanded the Martin to run up into the harbour as far as possibly he could, and all the small ships and vessels to follow her; which was done. The Martin came to an anchor within shot of the fort, which was very angry with him; and firing at her very hot, and she at them again, but did little hurt on either side. Here were two other forts, of very small account, did keep popping at them with muskets, thinking to fear us. Our general, and General Venables, made all the haste they could up to the Martin, and went aboard of her; most part of our soldiers lying round the Martin in boats, ready to land. Our general commanded the boats to follow us with the men, and commanded the master to run the ship ashore as near as possible he could to the fort, which was done; and firing some guns into this fort, and the boats following us with the soldiers, our seamen run the boats fast aground close under the fort, and the soldiers leaping into the water to wade ashore.

"The enemy, seeing our resolution, did not stand to give any resistance, but ran, leaving thirteen guns mounted. This gave our army great encouragement; but our army did not follow the enemy, but did draw up in battle, and then resolved to stay, until their general did come ashore to them; for some were much troubled that he did not land with them. For all the time that the army was landing, he was walking about the Martin, wrapped up in his cloak, with his hat over his eyes, looking as if he had been studying of physic, more than like the general of an army. And when the army did come by us in their boats, they did shout forth into a holloo, which is a custom at sea, throwing up their caps and hats; but General Venables did not give them so much as one look to encourage them, but pulled his hat more over his eyes, and did look another way. Many of his commanders did take notice of it. But our general did cali to them, giving them encouragement, telling them the enemy did run. But General Venables, seeing the enemy all fled to their forts, and none there to oppose our army, did desire a boat, saying he would go ashore; and our general, being both ready and willing, knowing his business to be there and not here, at this time, gave command presently for a boat to carry him ashore to the army, where he found them all drawn up; where they did resolve to encamp this night, and to take the day before them to march up to the town, it being six miles from the place of landing.'

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As a specimen of the discipline of the days of Cromwell, we give the orders issued by Penn, on this expedition against profanation of the Lord's day: the date is Feb. 1654-5:

"1. That no boat or boats, person or persons, belonging to the fleet, do pass to and fro upon the Lord's Day, unless upon public necessary business.

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2. Whereas some of the ships are destitute of ministers, and some of the men belong

ing to such ships, under pretence of going on shore to hear the Gospel preached, are met with idling and mispending their time; for prevention whereof you are not to suffer them to go on shore, but permit them to go on board some other ships of the fleet, where the word of God is preached.

3. That every person that shall blaspheme the name of God, or swear, or be drunk on board any ship of the fleet (whether the said person belong to the shore, or to any merchant ship or vessel), shall be punished after this manner, (viz.) he shall pay five shillings, or twenty pounds of sugar for every such offence, which is to be converted to the use of the sick and wounded of the ship where such offence shall be committed; and in case of non-payment thereof, the party offending to suffer twenty stripes on the bare back, to be given him with the whip wherewith offenders in such or the like cases are usually punished.

4. That masters of the ships' companies be taken every morning (if it may conveniently be), and such as shall be found absent, and have not leave from their commanders for the same, are not to receive victuals until they have suffered according to their offences; in which you are to be very careful. And the victuals that shall be saved hereby, are to be accounted for, and improved to the advantage and benefit of the State.

5. To bring an exact and speedy account, how much old flesh has been spent in each respective ship since the 20th of November last, and how much remains.""

We must close our extracts from these valuable volumes. We have never before met with so much information, clearly and explicitly given, regarding the condition and discipline of our navy in the days of its comparative infancy. Our maritime history may elucidate many of its vague pages from the memoranda and instructions contained in these memorials. The author is now, we understand, far advanced in life; he has done his duty to his ancestor, by this publication, and rescued his character from the insinuations of Clarendon, who had little love for any of the eminent officers of the Commonwealth. wish that all persons fortunate in having a distinguished descent, would do as much for their forefathers: we should have doubtless many remarkable volumes, but few, perhaps, more useful than these.

We

Evenings in Greece: the Poetry by Thomas Moore, Esq.; the Music composed and selected by Henry R. Bishop and Mr. Moore. Second Evening. London: J.

Power.

HERE are a dozen nosegays united by as
"In thus connecting toge-
many garlands.
ther," says the poet, "a series of songs by a
thread of poetical narrative, the object has
been to combine recitation with music, so
as to enable a greater number of persons to
take a share in the performance, by enlisting
as readers those who may not feel themselves
competent as singers.' The idea is good,
nor has the author executed it unskilfully.
He imagines that a number of young persons
have met together to enjoy the calm twilight
on the shore of the Isle of Zea-the Ceos of
the ancients-and that they sing, by way of
commencement to matters more profane, the
following sweet hymn :--

When evening shades are falling
O'er Ocean's sunny sleep,
To pilgrims' hearts recalling
Their home beyond the deep;

When, rest o'er all descending,
The shores with gladness smile,
And lutes, their echoes blending,
Are heard from isle to isle,
Then, Mary, Star of the Sea,
We pray, we pray, to thee!
The noon-day tempest over,

Now ocean toils no more,
And wings of halcyons hover,'
Where all was strife before.
Oh thus my life, in closing

Its short tempestuous day, Beneath heaven's smile reposing, Shine all its storms away: Thus, Mary, Star of the Sea, We pray, we pray, to thee! Thoughts of the brighter days of Greece press, it seems, through the mind of one of the maidens: she sees in imagination the noble sculptures and glorious paintings of the days of Praxiteles and Apelles; and encouraged by the approving looks of her lover, she sings The Birth of Portraiture.

As once a Grecian maiden wove
Her garland mid the summer bow'rs,
There stood a youth, with eyes of love,

To watch her while she wreathed the flowers.
The youth was skill'd in Painting's art,
But ne'er had studied woman's brow,
Nor known the colouring, which the heart
Can shed o'er Nature's charms, till now.
CHORUS.

Blest be Love, to whom we owe

All that's fair and bright below.

His hand had pictured many a rose,
And sketch'd the rays that light the brook;
But what were these, or what were those,
To woman's blush, to woman's look?
"Oh! if such magic pow'r there be,
This, this," he cried, "is all my pray'r,
To paint that living light I see,

And fix the soul that sparkles there."
His prayer, as soon as breath'd was heard,
His pallet, touch'd by Love, grew warm,
And Painting saw her hues transferr'd
From lifeless flowers to woman's form.
Still as from tint to tint he stole,

The fair design shone out the more,
And there was now a life, a soul,
Where only colours glow'd before.
Then first carnations learn'd to speak,

And lilies into life were brought;
While, mantling on the maiden's cheek,
Young roses kindled into thought.
Then hyacinths their darkest dyes

Upon the locks of Beauty threw;
And violets, transformed to eyes,

Inshrined a soul within their blue.

The mention of statues naturally calls up the memory of heroes; and while the maidens and youths of Zea find it more gladsome to dwell on the past than think on the present, they are startled by the rapid approach of boats

'Twas from an isle of mournful name,
From Missolonghi, last they came,-
Sad Missolonghi, sorrowing yet
O'er him, the noblest Star of Fame
That e'er in life's young glory set!
and by the mariners' song:-

Thou art not dead-thou art not dead!
No, dearest Harmodius, no.
Thy soul, to realms above us fled,
Though, like a star, it dwells o'erhead,
Still lights this world below.
Thou art not dead-thou art not dead!
No, dearest Harmodius, no.

Through isles of light, where heroes tread,
And flowers ethereal blow,
Thy god-like Spirit now is led,
Thy lip, with life ambrosial fed,
Forgets all taste of woe.

Thou art not dead-thou art not dead!
No, dearest Harmodius, no.
The myrtle, round that falchion spread
Which struck the immortal blow,
Throughout all time, with leaves unshed,-
The patriot's hope, the tyrant's dread,-
Round Freedom's shrine shall grow.
Thou art not dead-thou art not dead!
No, dearest Harmodius, no.
Where hearts like thine have broke or bled,
Though quench'd the vital glow,
Their memory lights a flame, instead,
Which, ev'n from out the narrow bed
Of death its beams shall throw.
Thou art not dead-thou art not dead!
No, dearest Harmodius, no.

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