so liable to be led astray by the oracular utterances of nervousness and timidity. We were assured that Canada was inca THE probable fate of the British North-pable of self-control, but we find that American colonies has, for many years, political strife carried to the extreme has afforded wide scope for speculation. Both not been able to weaken the springs of in this country and America the chances have been weighed as passing events government, or to disregard the promptoffered themselves for analysis. It has jealousies which formerly found vent in ings of patriotism. Recriminations and been regarded from various points of the Colonial Office, have been smothview; the result being, conclusions as ered where their origin could be soonest widely different as such topics of discus- detected and their object most easily sion usually lead to. Argument resting frustrated. The consequence of transupon a speculative basis is always un- ferring responsibility from the shoulders steady, and kaleidoscopic glances at the of the Imperial Government to those of present yield very unsatisfactory data the colonists themselves, is that the from which to decipher the future. shafts of temper no longer spend their Hence it is that America and American force on an imperial target, while a spirit affairs have so frequently belied prophecy. of loyalty and affection has taken the The conjectures evoked by the dealings place of an ungracious allegiance. It between England and her North Ameri- has also been asserted that the democan colonies have in many instances cratic tendencies of these American coloproved erroneous, and we are not now * Resolutions relative to the Proposed Union of the British North-American Provinces. Quebec. January 19, 1865. NEW SERIES-Vol. II., No. 2. nies would have the effect of weakening if not terminating the relations between them and the mother country; that the grant of freedom from imperial dictation 9 naturally handed over to republicanism nation at their side, impelled by sheer the keys of a British stronghold. Nei- force of political attraction. Nor is this ther has this proved true, although the theory incapable of support, though foranticipation harmonizes well with the merly the reasons in its favor were much expressed wishes of the United States. more numerous than they now are. A So long ago as 1775, when delegates glance at the position occupied by Canafrom the American States assembled in da a few years ago will be found to convention at Philadelphia to agree upon justify in some degree the Montreal anthe terms of an union, they evidently nexation movement of 1849. It was a accepted as a foregone conclusion the dependency shut in from the seaboard immediate entrance of Canada, at least, for five months of the year, at an enorinto the federal compact, for Section XI. mous distance from the imperial metropof their Articles of Agreement provided olis; separated from those of kindred that "Canada, acceding to the confeder- sympathies and acknowledging a like ation and joining in the measures of the allegiance, by an almost untraversable United States, shall be admitted into tract of country; exposed to attack at and be entitled to the advantages of the every point along a frontier of a thouUnion." Every inducement to revolt sand miles; gazing at the prosperity of was held out to all the British provinces; a nation which held out every inducebut neither open temptation nor secret ment to unite with it; without manufacintrigue was sufficiently powerful to tures, coal, or capital, yet witnessing a allure them from their allegiance. Lower stream of British wealth pouring into Canada was appealed to in terms that the lap of its rival; thinly populated, recognized its peculiar position as regards and outbid in attracting emigration; race, language, religion, and laws, and with the hope of union between itself included a guarantee for their security and the other British colonies uncertain, and permanence. But the French in- although having all the elements of proshabitants, besides having the recollection perity ready to be combined, but sufferof past wrongs to prompt a rejection, ing them, from various causes, to lie unwere moved by a deep-rooted antipathy improved and unprofitable. Taking evto republicanism to meet with disdain ery circumstance into consideration, it overtures thus insidiously made to them. can not be denied that the prospects of In after years, the employment of force a long-continued existence of such a dehad as little effect in changing the deter-pendency as a separate and distinct pomination of these stubborn colonists to remain a portion of the empire; and the several provinces not only fought nobly against the common enemy; but even sent assistance to the more sorely pressed. Notwithstanding this, it has been an article of political faith with American statesmen and politicians that the "man-ervation from a loss of identity in the ifest destiny" of their republic would, nation at her side. But it is unnecessary in its own good time, lead to the ab- for present purposes to do more than sorption of some, if not all, of the adja- notice the fact, as it serves to show the cent British provinces. To embrace bent of her inclination. Changed times these is their traditionary policy, having have suggested new fields for debate, in its list of founders and supporters such and prophecy has been driven to seek names as Washington, Franklin, Mon- out new channels. A rapid advance in roe, and Seward. Mr. Seward's views material prosperity brought with it conpointed to a peaceable rather than a for- siderations left out in previous forecasts; cible annexation; and both in England while, on the other hand, the American and in British America the idea has been Republic presents to its admirers fewer entertained that Canada, New Bruns- attractions than formerly. The effect is wick, and Nova Scotia, but more espe- seen in the almost total obliteration of cially the first-named, must sooner or annexation sentiment in the colonies, and later cast in their lot with the powerful in the strength and encouragement af litical organism were dim and dubious. The maritime provinces had not such influences to contend against; but the temptations brought to bear upon Canada, and her successful resistance to them, naturally beget surprise at the nature of the causes to which she owed her pres forded to those in England who looked forward to the establishment of a British nationality in America that would not only rival the great republic, but would prove a faithful ally to the mother land. When we yielded to these colonies the right of self-government, we gave up the right to dictate, whether we reserved the privilege of guiding or not. This abandonment of control carried with it, said some, the last link in the chain that bound our British American colonies to the empire; but this hasty assertion has been thus far falsified. Confident in their capacity for self-government, we committed their fortunes to their own keeping, as a faithful guardian unburdens himself of his trust on the attainment of majority by his ward. Had we conceived that this transfer involved a mere change of masters, we should have unquestionably hesitated to sacrifice our interests to those of a foreign power. But faith in their future was no less strong with our statesmen than it was in the colonists themselves. That selfreliance, that innate vigor, which defies misfortune and begets self-confidence, is a characteristic of our race and, when grafted in other lands, reproduces its inherent qualities with the characteristics of the parent stock. We had confidence in our kindred and in the virtue of our institutions; and a colonial policy based upon this has proved successful, and in its success its wisdom. A complex relationship has been begotten, but the machinery has worked well. The evidences of stability exhibited by these self-governed colonies, the variety of resources at their command, and the vast progress they have made in utilizing the advantages placed by nature within their reach, have not been lost sight of by that school of politicians which regards the relations between us and states dependent but in name as presenting some unsatisfactory features. Nor has the change in circumstances been passed over heedlessly by the colonists themselves. They, too, have begun to reflect on the chances of the future. Everlasting youth is denied to nations as well as to individuals, and impulses from within combine with influences from without to urge a consideration of the best means for ensuring a lusty man hood. It is with no little pride, therefore, that we see them enter upon the discussion of a subject of such vital importance as a confederation among themselves with calmness and deliberation indicating a knowledge of the responsibility devolving upon them, and a determination to probe to the bottom the secret of national greatness. It is a complete vindication of our modern policy in permitting them to think and act for themselves. It is of importance, therefore, to know what they propose to do, the basis of the contemplated changes, and their effect. To arrive at a proper understanding, it is necessary to go back a little in their history. It must not be supposed that the scheme of confederation is the offspring of fear. Its origin can be traced much farther back than the civil war in the United States, however much a shock so terrible may have contributed to its maturity; nor can colonial emancipators, should their anticipation be realized, lay claim to its inception, however entitled to the credit of supplying a reason for its adop、 tion. It is stated that as early as 1810 a union of all the British American provinces was suggested by one of the colonists, and at various times afterwards the attention of the imperial authorities was directed to the subject by leading colonial politicians. Chief Justice Sewell of Quebec, in- 1814, laid before the late Duke of Kent a comprehensive plan, which met with the approval of His Royal Highness. In 1827, resolutions were introduced into the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada, directed more especially to a union of the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada; but proposing, as an alternative, "what would be more politic, wise, and generally advantageous,―viz. an union of the whole four provinces of North America under a vice-royalty, with a facsimile of that great and glorious fabricthe best monument of human wisdom— the British Constitution." Lord Durham, in his report on the affairs of British North America (1839), discusses the subject at considerable length, anticipating nearly all the arguments that can now be urged in its favor. In 1853, resolutions were brought forward in the Nova Scotia Legislature |