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rulers of the Society, alive to the necessity of coping with the spirit of discussion "and inquiry that has taken hold of the age, resolved on throwing all their resources of mind and means into the task of creating for the periodical a position of leading influence in Catholic circles. Nothing has been spared which could be commanded by the expenditure of an authority that has at its disposal resources of vast influence; and the result has not been inconsiderable, for the bond fide subscribers amount, we believe, to full twelve thousand. In the pages of this periodical there will be found, therefore, the running commentary by the men who constitute the Society of Jesus upon every question philosophical, doctrinal, or political, which has attracted attention during recent times. Everything which has in any degree touched, however remotely, the interests of Rome has been amply discussed, reviewed, and judged in this publication. Now, if we turn over the pages of this periodical we shall find that the views advocated therein with Bo much warmth are precisely those which have been gradually more and more adopted by the Court of Rome, and which have been gradually more and more revealed in the decrees that have been promulgated by the Holy See. There is not one of the great judgments pronounced from this tribunal of late years, begining with the condemnation of Giinther's philosophy, which is not the expression of what had before been half recommended in these productions by Jesuit writers; and this holds true of the last great utterence by the Pope— the Encyclical with its appendix. The germ and pith of all those propositions in it, which by their singularity constitute the real importance of this document, are to be found in the polemical articles of the Civilitd Catholica, and can thus be traced directly to the progressive action of Jesuit influence and Jesuit inspiration. On this score no one conversant with Rome and of good faith will venture to dispute what we say. The Society of Jesus has now grown to he a power in the government of the Court of Rome of most formidable dimensions \ —a power that at present is in a position , to consider itself absolute, and is so with
i out doubt; for the hold which it has
Let us now consider how the action of
and that it had made known in Paris its | views on the subject—these assertions' are drawn entirely from fancy. The surprise of the Vatican on the communication to it of M. Drouyn de Lhuys's despatch of the 12th September was absolute, for so secret had been the negotiations of this understanding that the French diplomatic agents themselves were kept in complete ignorance thereof; while the Nuncio in Paris, almost at the very hour when the contracting parties were closeted together for signature of the Convention, reported to his Govern- | men! the utter absence of all stir in the! world of politics. The knowledge ofj what had happened came therefore with | the suddenness of a thunderbolt on the! ecclesiastical circles of Rome, and the method of its reception by these was markedaccordingwtheircharacters. The Secretary of State received the communication with unruffled self-possession and unaltered cheerfulness. Inwardly his feelings were, however, of a different nature, for he felt himself tricked and tricked in a > manner that involves peril to the stability of possession, an injury that irritates the angry passions of a soul dearly loving gain. Under the cold pleasant surface of the Cardinal's urbanity, the Conven-! tion has been kindling an intense, though guardedly compressed, hatred against the cunning hand that furnished the deadly shaft. But outwardly all was smooth and cheerful, and the impression made by this bombshell was in appearance not a whit different from what would 'have'. been made by the most ordinary communication. On the other hand the prelates of an ecstatic complexion burst forthwith into an hysterical chorus of rhapsodies, culminating in convulsively shrill screams of horribly wild incoherence about how the day of God's blessed restoration to his own was now at last visibly dawning in the Convention; according to some a device of heavenly cunning imparted to the Emperor Na-) poleon for making the sacrilegious folly , of impious Italy work its own destruction; according to others a devilish train' laid in truth against the Holy See, but which would explode backwards to the sending up of the Evil One himself into the air; while in spite of their shrieks of professed confidence these prelates were
yet visibly shaken with spasms of furious
a text of by fiery bishops. This, however, did not satisfy the extreme party. The unexpected defection at a pinch of powers so Catholic and Bo Conservative produced violent irritation; and the cry was raised how the Evil One was visibly stalking into the very heart of orthodoxy, since even Spain and Austria had not hesitated to express their deference to new principles that contravened their duties as obedient sons of an absolute Pope. Matters had reached a pitch when it was indispensable for the Pope to fulminate a bolt of reprobation that should wither up the rapidly-extending element of defection that so manifestly was decomposing society. The doctrine of nonintervention was the devilish invention that was breaking up all the landmarks of existing institutions. Against it, therefore, was it frantically shouted that a blow must be dealt with all the weight peculiar to the Pontifical arm. Supremely distasteful to the Cardinal, such passionate purposes were to Pius IX. not without attraction, and that attraction became irresistible when their instigators bethought themselves of certain formulas, already familiar to the Pope, and showed how these might be made to figure in support of the occasion. The difficulty that presented itself at first sight was to find a fitting form for a denunciation in the grand style of Pontifical authority against a point of politics so purely technical as that of non-intervention. The Holy See has ever been rigorously careful to preserve in its utterances a tone of grave and general application conformable to its peculiarly canonical pretentious.
Since a period, dating back to the beginning of the last decade, the theolopublic as a j gians of the Roman Court have been r the actual j engaged in considering the nature of certain opinions, which had been reported as suspicious. The original opinions, so subjected to inquiry, were the outflow of one or other of the liberal schools in the Church, and stood connected, more or less directly, with Gilnther'a philosophy, the teaching adopted by the Louvain professors, and the cognate intellectual manifestation, that have been the events of our times. The former movers in this inquiry were the Jesuits'; and for years Passaglia was specially engaged in
this investigation, which was then prosecuted with all the traditional proloxity of Roman processes. But Passaglia left the society—some of his colleagues who were not Jesuits got other destinations, and the labor fell into hands that worked less deliberately, but also with a rasher zeal. When the bishops met in Home, and gave their opinions in behalf of the necessity for a temporal power, information reached a few persons that a start-' ling catalogue had been drawn up of I propositions to be pronounced deserving | of condemnation; but this was stead- j ily asserted to be without foundation, i On the 25th October, 1862, however, there appeared in Passaglia's weekly paper, II Mediatore, the Latin text of sixty-one Tlieses ad Apostolicam Sedem delate, and eveiy one of which had ap- i pended to it its specified and circumstantial sentence of condemnation. The publication made a sensation in Rome, and was indignantly branded as a piece of wicked forgery. The assertion thus so solemnly advanced is now irrevocably confuted by the deed of the very men who were loudest in making it. Unless Passaglia is indeed an imp of the Evil! One, who has a supernatural gift of mis- i chievous forescience, the documents he' published must be the rough sketch of the Syllabus that has been attached to the Encyclical. Unfortunately, space forbids our analyzing the differences in I the two documents, and marking the modifications that have been introduced,! manifestly with the sole view of sharp- i ening the point of denunciation against special and concrete objects. Indeed the curious document preserved in Passaglia's little-read periodical would now be well worth study. It was of this draught that the counsellors for active demonstration then bethought themselves, as a document that had the rec-! ommendation of having already received the Pope's real, although not formal,; concurrence, and containing in germ all that might be> wanted in the way of condemnation. Accordingly the document was remodelled, so as to give greater prominence to points before but indicated. The numbers of propositions were swelled to eighty—the last section in the Syllabus, treating of cti-ors relating to Mmlfi'ii fjbeiitliftity was added; and
finally, in the room of a general dissent from the proposition that the Gospel teaching of mutual help does not extend to an obligation to come to the rescue of lawful princes when unjustly assailed, there was inserted the startling proposition LXIL, which brands with unreserved condemnation the proclamation and observance of the principle called non-intervention. The extraordinary import of this sentence is revealed by its unparalleled wording. The Holy See has never before issued an absolute injunction about observance. To do so indirectly, contrary to its unvarying doctrine that, however immutable must be abstract principles, and as such, therefore, never to be departed from in dogma, the practical question of their observance must depend upon the circumstances that attend a case, and can not consequently be made the subject of absolute and unalterable injunction. It is impossible to explain away the extraordinary intention expressed in the adoption of a form of utterance so wholly at variance with all precedent The Court of Rome is the most scrupulous observer of traditional form, and it is preposterous to advance the plea that the knowledge of the meaning of the terms used had dropped out of the minds of the writers of the Syllabus. The mere attempt to foist off such an assertion is a most audacious presumption on our ignorance. The men who have composed this astounding Syllabus are men who have had all the training of the Jesuit schools—are perfectly conversant with the real meaning of words, and know all the inns and outs of those intricate formalities which have been devised by the quibbling ingenuity of Curial Legists. What is written in the Syllabus has been written deliberately— what is novel therein has been introduced knowingly, and any explanation to give a modified sense to its original meaning must be an after-thought, which ought to have no weight, except as a possible sign of a desire to get out of what has been discovered to be a mistaken groove. The Encyclical and its Syllabus were launched in fury against the detestable innovations in politics which had been put forward by Catholic Powers as the obstacles in the way of their zeal; they were the work of the Jesuit party acting upon the Pope through the channel of the high-flown fanatic intoxicated with mysticism—and that work was pushed through sorely against the wish of Cardinal Antonelli, who then blandly accepted what he saw that he could not prevent. The contents of this fulminating effusion, which touch other matters, had been long under discussion, and might have yet remained a good while in the recesses of ecclesiastical congregations had they not been wanted to impart an appearance of comprehensive range to a Elimination which at this moment was discharged against a point of politics too technical and too concrete by itself for a Pontifical sen-1 tence.
Although beyond the strict scope of a paper that purposes to recount the nature of that which is at present in existence at the Vatican, the question as to the upshot to which must lead the strange disposition of influences we have been attempting to portray, is one of so pressing a nature that we can not close without alluding to it. Speculation is with reason inflamed on the subject of j what may come forth from the next conclave. For that as long as Pius IX. continues on the throne, it is beyond hope that any turn should be taken to-! wards a policy of compromise, is ad- j mitted, we suppose, even by the most sanguine. The reign of Pius IX., unto its end, whenever that may come, will be distinguished by the settling clown more and more deeply of the Holy See in the trough of a Jesuit and fanatical ascendancy, only their ascendency will • never assume an heroic attitude, partly from the natural feebleness of Pius IX., i who will always falter in a critical moment, partly from the moderating counteraction which Cardinal Antonelli will i always be able in Home degree to exer- j cise. The acts of the Court of Ilome i will thus bear the stamp of passionate | origin, and yet they will never become j really formidable, because the arm that wields the authority at the Vatican is vacillating, and incapable of genuine determination. The spirit that breathes in the Encyclical is one which, had it been forthcoming with vigor, would: have laid interdicts, launched ex-commu
nications against individuals by name, issued direct appeals to Catholicism, instead of sneakingly letting off incendiary squibs from time to time, and then protesting that there never had been any intention to charge them with powder. The most convincing proof of the degree to which the temporal power is rotten, is afforded by the utter want of greatness of purpose which the Pope has shown in his policy. He has been pettish and peevish, he has scolded and screamed, he has flown into womanish paroxysms of transport, and into womanish bursts of antiquated cries, but he has never once stepped forward with the self-reliance of a man who has confidence in his cause, and dares to trust to the affection which the faithful have for his temporal estate. And in this way will matters go on as long as the present reign lasts, deteriorating under the action of a noxious influence, which rules in the ascendant, only with all it has of most absurd and mischievous, without being able to break through with what it might possibly possess of startling and effective.
If we are to place confidence in what is currently circulated in Rome, we might expect that measures have been taken which ought to secure in the next Papal election the instantaneous victory of a candidate who will represent the interests now in the ascendant. We ourselves hesitate to hazard any predictions. The temper of the Sacred College has at all times been most difficult to gauge, and we see no reason for assuming that there is any change in this respect. Nothing is more contrary to precedent than that the cardinals created by a pope, however deferential to him when alive, should prove attached to his memory. The history of conclaves is there to dispel such an idea with an overwhelming catalogue of facts. Moreover, the struggle in a conclave is always not to vindicate the memoiy of a deceased pope, but to overthrow the influence of the cardinal who was the late Pope's favorite, and has had the patronage of the State. Formerly it was the Cardinal nephew, now it is the Cardinal Secretary of State who has to stand the brunt of this opposition. It is certainly to be exJHJcted that Cardinal Antonelli