Page images
PDF
EPUB

which indicated a strong desire to pro-and Lower Canada were arrayed against mote a closer connection of the differ- each other, each determined not to yield ent provinces; and in 1857, the subject an inch of ground. This state of things, was pressed upon Mr. Labouchere, then it was evident, could not long continue Secretary of State for the Colonies, by without leading to very serious results. delegates from that province; but he felt The nature of the questions on which disposed to leave it to the colonists them- the two were divided admitted of no imselves to take action in the matter. In mediate satisfactory compromise, consid1858, the Canadian Government an- ering the relative position of the dispunounced as part of their policy that the tants. Upper Canadian members alleged expediency of a federal union of the that the population of their section of the British North American provinces would province exceeded that of the other by be anxiously considered, and that commu- 400,000; and as each had an equality of nications would be entered into with the representation, the result was the practiother provinces and the Imperial Govern- cal disenfranchizement of these 400,000. ment to secure adhesion to the project. It was also contended that the proportion In accordance with this announcement, of taxation raised by the respective secdelegates were sent from Canada, and tions showed a large excess in favor of the sanction of the Imperial Government Upper Canada, as that portion paid twowas asked to the scheme; but the hesita- thirds of the taxation of the country, tion exhibited by the other provinces while the relative expenditure exhibited rendered the effort thus made fruitless. a gross injustice. In answer to this, the The Government of Nova Scotia made Lower Canadians contended that, at the the next move, but the policy adopted time of the union of the provinces, their by them had reference to a legislative section had a majority of 175,000; and union of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, it was not till 1850 that the scale was and Prince Edward Island. In 1863 turned against them, by reason of a large both Houses of the Nova Scotia Legisla- immigration; and that they (comparativeture passed, unanimously, resolutions ly rich) had borne the heavier part of the authorizing the appointment of delegates to confer upon that subject with delegates from the other maritime provinces. Similar resolutions were adopted in the Parliaments of New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island. A meeting of delegates was accordingly called to sit at Charlotte Town, Prince Edward Island, in September of 1863.

Meanwhile, events in Canada were rapidly tending to render some change in its political condition an absolute necessity. One government after another was forced to confess itself unable to control parliament; and resignation followed resignation, and election succeeded election, with no other effect than to increase the embarrassment. The result was that sectional majorities, firmly united, impeded legislation, and assailed each other with every weapon that strong sectional differences place at the disposal of political factions. Lower Canadian representatives united to resist the demands of their compeers from the Upper Province, and Upper Canadian members were as resolute in enforcing what they considered to be just claims. In fact, Upper

burthen of a debt contracted by the Upper Province, which, at the time, was staggering under the load; that any increase in the representation in Parliament would naturally place them (being a minority) at the mercy of a people dissimilar in race, character, religion, language, and laws. This quarrel culminated on the floor of Parliament, as we have already mentioned, in arraying sections against each other; the one bold in pressing for increased representation, and the other defiant in resisting it. The union effected between the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada in 1840 was, after all, but a nominal one; each section preserved its identity, and the line between them remained in all its distinctness. The government has been administered by a ministry made up of an equal number from both sections, with, in most instances, a distinct staff of crown officers. It was, of course, to be expected that local politicians would keep alive sectional prejudices with such material as they had to work upon. Each half of the provincial cabinet has been expected to command the support of a majority from

the section it represented, so that a ministry having a majority of the whole Houses of Parliament would be compelled to disband by reason of not having a majority within a majority. This policy could have but one effect, and it may be seen that the secret of frequent political crises lies, therefore, on the surface of Canadian politics. No government could be expected to stand out for any great length of time against a vigilant opposition, with so many conflicting interests to appease as the circumstances and extent of that country created. Party strife loses none of its violence by reason of the smallness of the community in which it is developed; and in its choice of weapons loses no advantage through courtesy. The check given to public business brought both political parties to their senses; and returning reason suggested the necessity for a remedy by which responsible government would be saved from degenerating into a series of faction fights. It was apparent that constitutional difficulties lay at the bottom of this sectional strife. Both parties accepted the omen; the political leaders avowed their willingness to throw aside party ties and even personal feeling; and a coalition was formed pledged to cooperate in searching out a practical remedy for the evils which had become intolerable. The result is embraced in the following memorandum, which expressed the policy of the coalition government:

approbation of both Houses of Parliament, and gave satisfaction to the people and press of the country; while the policy announced afforded a gleam of hope to those who had begun to despair of an adjustment of difficulties hitherto seemingly incapable of settlement. After the prorogation of the Canadian Parliament, an invitation was extended by the Chamber of Commerce of St. John, New Brunswick, to the members of the Canadian Legislature, to pay a visit to the Maritime Provinces. This was accepted by a large number of Canadians, and the principal citizens of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia gave a hearty welcome to their fellow colonists. Their fraternal meetings went far to pave the way for an union, as public attention was at once turned towards the mutual advantage to be gained by a closer connection. Such an incident may, at first glance, seem of little importance; but when we consider that up to this time public opinion had not kept pace with the dreams of the colonial statesmen (although individuals in all the provinces had agreed on what ought to be done rather than on what could be done), we are inclined to give it due weight. Shortly afterwards, the convention appointed to consider the subject of an union of the Maritime Provinces, met at Charlotte Town, Prince Edward Island; and members of the Canadian Government attended and proposed to merge in the higher plan of a confederation of all the provinces,-that

of

a legislative union among the Maritime Provinces. The subject was discussed, and such progress made that it was thought desirable by the Conference that the subject should be resumed in an official manner under the authority of the governments of the several provinces.† The Governor-General of Canada communicated to the Secretary of State for the Colonies the suggestions of the Conference, stating in his dispatch that "the desire for a closer union amongst the

"The Government are prepared to pledge themselves to bring in a measure, next session, for the purpose of removing existing difficulties, by introducing the federal principle into Canada, coupled with such provisions as will permit the Maritime Provinces and the Northwest Territory to be incorporated with the same system of government; and the Government will seek, by sending representatives to the Lower Provinces and to England, to secure the assent of those interests that are beyond the control of our Legislature, to be united under a general Legislature based upon the federal principle."* This coalition of parties (being accept-colonies than has hitherto existed aped as a guarantee for the cessation of that species of political contention which had proved a source of constant annoyance and irritation) met with the unanimous

*Statement by Hon. J. A. Macdonald in Canadian House of Assembly, June 21, 1864.

pears to be generally felt both in Canada and the Lower Provinces;" and, further, "it appears to me that the mode of proceeding suggested is the only one in which the views entertained by the lead

+ Report of Committee of Executive Council of Canada, September 23, 1864.

ing politicians of the British North Amer- background. But events have forced ican colonies on this important subject them to take thought for the future as can be brought intelligibly and in a prac- well as to provide for the necessities of tical form before your attention." In re- the present, and in setting out they naturply, Mr. Cardwell merely expressed his ally compare themselves with others. approval of the course taken in the matter. Official delegates were appointed to represent each province, with the exception of Newfoundland. That province, however, was represented by some of its leading statesmen. The Conference met at Quebec, and formally entered upon the discussion of the subject.

From the foregoing it will be observed that the idea of a possible confederation has never been extinct in any of the provinces, although it has taken Rip Van Winkle slumbers. Until lately it had not been made a party question, nor had its discussion enlisted any very large number of persons. Now, however, it has assumed the proportions of a public question, and invites inquiry into its merits or demerits. Before reviewing the conclusions arrived at by the Conference, it may be as well to take a rapid survey of the country embraced by the confederation scheme, so that we may enabled to judge of its probable success. Public attention has but seldom been directed to the capabilities and resources of the British American provinces as a whole even among the colonists themselves has this been the case, and to such

be

a degree that their knowledge of each other, not to mention the little importance they attached to their united value, has been as slight as an acquaintance with them has been superficial. They have had strange impressions of each other, and until lately, when they began to take stock, the general public had no idea that the provinces would unitedly possess all the elements necessary to constitute a powerful nation. No inducements were offered to render the acquisition of correct information of any practical service; so that while individuals regarded as visionaries bestowed time and labor in laying a basis for their schemes of future action, the mass of the communities paid little attention to their facts, and gave themselves no trouble about their theories. Each province has been so taken up with its own needs and the working out of its own projects, that greater interests have been kept in the

The British possessions on the American continent embrace a territory nearly equal to that of the United States. It is difficult to give with accuracy the area under British rule, as that portion of the continent is but partially surveyed, and boundaries are not yet clearly defined, but an estimate sufficient for practical purposes has been formed. The latest calculation has this result:

[blocks in formation]

If we add to this the probable area of the reminder-say, British Columbia 213,500, Vancouver Island 16,000 and the Hudson Bay Territory 1,570,500,— the sum total will show 2,218,641 square miles against 2,963,666, which is the area of the great American Republic given in the Report for 1853 of the American portion of this immense tract of country A very large | Topographical Bureau. on both sides of the dividing line is of course incapable of cultivation, but the proportion really valuable even for agricultural purposes is fining ourselves to the North American very great. Conprovinces likely to be included in the proposed confederation at once, we find, according to the statement of the Hon. George Brown, made at Halifax on Sept. 12, 1864, and alleged to be based upon the statistics of 1861, that the amount of land held by private individuals in the various provinces, with the number of acres under cultivation, stand respectively as follows:

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small]

though less important at present, yet afford for consideration an inviting aspect. Besides a fertile soil and magnificent forests, the provinces possess inexhaustible mineral resources, such as are accessories to civilization and material attractions to enterprise and skill. In Nova Scotia, gold, iron, coal, and copper are found in abundance. The quantity of coal at present raised is half a million of tons per annum. Four years ago gold was discovered, and now 151 mines are being worked, yielding in the way of revenues and royalties 20,000 dollars annually. New Brunswick, in common with Nova Scotia, has gold, iron, and extensive coal deposits, extending over seven millions of acres. Newfoundland has a coal formation of 1000 to 1500 feet in thickness; but it has not been worked, owing to other more profitable employments absorbing the attention of the inhabitants. As Canada has no coal, though abundance of iron ore and copper, it will be seen what an important bearing the possibility of obtaining supplies from the Lower Provinces may have in after years. Gold has been found in Canada, but thus far the yield is insignificant. Throughout the mineral regions of Canada forest trees exist in sufficient abundance to render the absence of coal for smelting purposes less felt than it otherwise would be. But the time will come when, wood being no longer at the disposal of the miner, coal will have to be resorted to. The profusion of iron ore in Canada, awaiting the magic touch of the capitalist to add to the country's riches, is wonderful; and the copper mines in both the Upper and Lower Provinces have already given such evidences of productiveness as to justify the expressed opinion as to their national value..

Apart from these agricultural and mineral resources, there exists a guarantee for solid prosperity in the exhaustless fisheries that lie at the very threshold of the proposed confederacy. Their value can not be over-estimated, and the many times they have been the subject of diplomatic contest shows that their importance has been in some degree appreciated. For several centuries the governments of various countries have regarded them with envious eye. France has ever shown herself eager to push her interests

in this quarter, and placing a proper estimate on their commercial and political importance, has lavished large sums on what she regarded as an investment producing an adequate money return as well as a nursery for her seamen.* It was a maxim with the French Government that the North American fisheries were of more national value in regard to navigation and power than the gold mines of Mexico could have been if the latter were possessed by France. The number of men now employed by her in these fishing stations is about 11,500, and for years large bounties have been paid to encourage her seamen to engage in the occupation of fishing. The return from the French fisheries can not be less than 3,000,000 dollars a year. On January 14, 1857, the French Government obtained from England certain concessions. relative to fishery rights on the coast of Newfoundland, but the alarm created in the Maritime Provinces by what they looked upon as inflicting injury upon their interests, and the refusal of Newfoundland to accede to the terms of the treaty, prevented it from taking effect. Nor are the United States wanting in appreciation of the benefits to be derived from a prosecution of this branch of trade: President Pierce, in his Message to Congress (Dec. 1856), in alluding to the Reciprocity Treaty, said: "The treaty between the United States and Great Britain of 5th of June, 1854, which went into effective operation in 1855, put an end to causes of irritation between the two countries by securing to the United States the right of fishing on the coast of the British North American provinces with advantages equal to those enjoyed by British subjects. Besides the signal benefits of this treaty to a large class of our citizens in a pursuit connected in no inconsiderable degree with our national prosperity and strength, it has had a favorable effect, &c." The amount expended in bounties now averages 300,000 dollars annually, and the return is estimated at about eight and a half millions of dollars. The advantage of position enjoyed by the Maritime Provinces naturally attracts capital and enterprise from other pursuits to profit by an employSee the Report by M. Ancet for 1851, and that by M. Coste for 1861.

*

ment so lucrative as that placed by nature within their very grasp. They see with chagrin the treasures of the deep snatched from before their eyes, and going to the enrichment of foreigners, while the apathy of their fellow-colonists living inland prevents a just share being appropriated by those who should profit most by them. Without a system of bounties (except as regards Canada) the value of fish, fish-oil, and seal skins exported from these provinces (independently of what was consumed in domestic use) is thus given:

Nova Scotia...

New Brunswick (1862)...
Newfoundland (1862),
Prince Edward Islan
Canada (1862).....

.$2,335,104
303 487
3,760,010
703.896

We have not the returns necessary to found an accurate statement of the aggregate value of these fisheries, but competent authorities have suggested 20,000, 000 dollars as falling short of the actual yield.

Possessing 5000 miles of sea-coast, the British North American provinces when consolidated into one power would possess not only all the materials necessary for constructing and equipping ships of war, but also bands of skillful and hardy seamen wherewith to man a powerful fleet. Already their united commercial marine shows an amount of tonnage that would entitle a Confederacy such as is proposed to take high rank as a maritime power. The following table shows the tonnage required for the accommodation

of trade:

Nova Scotia (1863)..
New Brunswick..
Prince Edward Island
(1861).
Newfoundland (1861)..
Canada (1863)...

sea-going tonnage of Canada amounts to 2,133,000 tons. The opportunities for commerce are such as to indicate the natural increase of the colonial marine. The facilities for ship-building turn the attention of a large number not only to the supply of the home demand, but also to competition in foreign markets for the sale of vessels. In 1832 the tonnage of vessels built in British America amounted to only 33,776 tons; in 1863 the number of vessels built was 645, with a capacity of 219,763 tons,† and representing an export value of 9,000,000 dollars. The number of sailors and fishermen of these colonies, as shown by the last census returns, is 69,256.

The total population of the united colonies can not be said to indicate great over which it is spread; it must, howstrength, considering the vast region ever, be regarded as a respectable nucleus of a nationality which the varied resources of the country will in time fill up and extend by attracting immigration. In five years Nova Scotia has doubled her population, while Canada has increased from 1,147,349 in 1842 to 2,507,657 in 1861; Upper Canada presenting the most rapid increase, as in 1842 her population numbered 486,055, and in 1861, 1,396,091. The population of the six provinces is thus distributed: Upper Canada, 1,396,represented by the census of 1861 to be 091; Lower Canada, 1,111,566; Nova Scotia, 338,857; New Brunswick, 252,047; Newfoundland, 122,635; Prince Edward Island, 80,857; total, 3,294,056. Adding to this the increase from every source since 1861, and the numbers necessarily omitted, the whole population may be assumed to be nearly 4,000,000 of 87.518... 167.098 souls. If we place this aggregate in 4,580,010..4,460,327...9,040,337 comparison with the population of Euro6,728,550 6,691,064 13,419,614 pean countries ranking as substantial powers-for instance, Portugal, 3,570,000; Holland, 3,500,000; Denmark, 2,480,000; Greece, 1,150,000-we are enabled to form a pretty fair idea of the position a British Confederacy may ere long hold among the nations of the earth. The following tabulated statement shows the fighting material available for defensive purposes:

Inwards. Outwards. Total.

712,939. 719 915...1,432.954

659,258.. 727,722...1,386,980

79,580..
696,763.. 695.582...1 392,345

The tonnage employed by Canada on the inland lakes is stated to be 6,907,000 tons, but this includes many coasting vessels, between whose arrival and departure a very short interval elapses, so that a very great deduction must be made to express correctly the actual tonnage. But the

*We regret to be unable to obtain in time for publication in this article the statement of the value of fish, &c. exported from Prince Edward Island.

+ Speech of Finance Minister of Canada, Feb. 7, 1865.

« PreviousContinue »