great popular movement. With these objects, organisation, in various forms, had been at work for many years. In 1809, a Catholic Committee had been formed in Dublin, of which Mr. O'Connell,— destined to become a prominent figure in the history of his country,-was a leading member. Active in the preparation of petitions, and holding weekly meetings, it endeavoured, by discussion and association, to arouse the Catholics to a sense of their wrongs.2 In 1811, it proposed to enlarge its constitution by assembling managers of petitions, from all parts of Ireland: but this project was arrested by the government, as a contravention of the Irish Convention Act, which prohibited the appointment of delegates or representatives.3 The movement now languished for several years; and it was not until 1823 that the Catholic Association was formed on a wider basis. It embraced Catholic nobles, gentry, priesthood, peasantry; 6 and though disclaiming a delegated authority, its constitution and objects made it, in effect, the representative of the Catholic body. Exclusively Catholic, its organisation embraced the whole of Ireland. Constantly increasing in numbers and influence, it at length assumed all 4 1 The first association or committee was formed so far back as 1760.-Wyse's Cath. Asso., i. 69; O'Conor's Hist. of the Irish Catholics, i. 262. Another committee was arranged in 1773.—Wyse, i. 91; and a more general committee or association in 1790.-Ibid., 104. 2 Wyse, i. 142-165. 333 Geo. III. c. 29 (Ireland); See Debates, Feb. 22nd, March 7th, and April 4th, 1811.—Hans. Deb., 1st Ser., xix. 1–18, 269–321, 700; Wyse, i. 174-178. A Catholic board was formed, but soon dissolved.—Wyse, i. 179. 5 Ibid., 199. VOL. II.. Ibid., 205. BB 6 the attributes of a national parliament. It held its sessions' in Dublin, appointed committees, received petitions, directed a census of the population of Ireland to be taken; and, above all, levied contributions, in the form of a Catholic rent, upon every parish in Ireland.' Its stirring addresses were read from the altars of all Catholic chapels. Its debates,-abounding in appeals to the passions of the people,—were published in every newspaper. The speeches of such orators as O'Connell and Sheil could not fail to command attention: but additional publicity was secured to all the proceedings of the Association, by contributions from the Catholic rent. In 1825, its power had become too great to be borne, if the authority of the state was to be upheld. Either the Parliament at Westminster, or its rival in Dublin, must give way. The one must grant the demands of the Catholics, or the other must be silenced. Ministers were not yet prepared for the former alternative; and determined to suppress the Catholic Association. This, however, was a measure of no ordinary difficulty. The association was not unlawful; and was engaged in forwarding a legitimate cause. It could not be directly put down, without a glaring violation of the right of discussion and association. Agitation was not to be treated as lawful, so long as it was impotent; and condemned when it was beginning to be assured of success. 1 Hans. Deb., 2nd Ser., xi. 944 (May 31st, 1824); Ibid., xii. 171, et seq. (Feb. 10-15); Wyse, i. 208-217. Mr. Wyse assigns a later date to this census, i. 247; Ibid., ii. App. xxxvii. This embarrassment was avoided by embracing in the same measure, Orange Societies and other similar bodies, by which political and religious animosities were fomented. by Parlia The king, on opening Parliament, adverted to 'associations which have adopted proceed- Suppressed ings irreconcilable with the spirit of the ment, 1825. constitution;' and a bill was immediately brought in to amend the laws relating to unlawful Feb. 10th, societies in Ireland. This bill prohibited 1825. the permanent sittings of political societies,-the appointment of committees to continue more than fourteen days, the levying of money for the redress of grievances, the affiliation and correspondence of societies, the exclusion of persons on the ground of religion, and the administration of oaths.1 It was strenuously resisted. Ministers were counselled to stay agitation by redressing grievances, rather than by vain attempts to prevent their free discussion. But so perilous was the state of Ireland,—so fierce the hatred of her parties, and so full of warning her history, that a measure, otherwise open to grave constitutional objections, found justification in the declared necessity of ensuring the public peace.2 Its operation, however, was limited to three years. But con The Catholic Association was dissolved in obedience to this act: but was immediately replaced by a new association, constituted tinued in so as to evade the provisions of the recent form. law. This society professed to be established for 16 Geo. IV. c. 4. 2 Hans. Deb., 2nd Ser., xii. 2-122, 128-522, &c. another promoting education, and other charitable objects; and every week, a separate meeting was convened, purporting to be unconnected with the association. Fourteen days' meetings,' and aggregate meetings were also held; and at all these assemblies the same violent language was used, and the same measures adopted, as in the time of the original society. While thus eluding the recent statute, this astute body was beyond the reach of the common law, being associated neither for the purpose of doing any unlawful act, nor of doing any lawful act in an unlawful manner. It was equally unscathed by the Convention Act of 1793, as not professing a representative character. In other respects the new association openly defied the law. Permanent committees were appointed, and the Catholic rent was collected by their own churchwardens' in every parish. The government watched these proceedings with jealousy and alarm: but perceived no means of restraining them. The act was about to expire at the end of the session of 1828; and, after very anxious consideration, ministers determined not to propose its renewal. It could not have been made effectual without such restraints upon the liberty of speech, and public meetings, as they could not venture to recommend, and which Parliament would, perhaps, have declined to sanction.2 1 6 No sooner had the act expired, than the old Catholic Association, with all its organisation and 1 Opinion of Mr. Joy, 1828; Sir R. Peel's Mem., i. 45; Wyse, i. 222-246; Ibid., ii. App. xxxix. 2 Memorandum and Correspondence of Mr. Peel, the Marquess of Anglesey, and Mr. Lamb.-Peel's Mem., i. 22-58, 150. revived, offensive tactics, was revived. At the same time, the Orange Societies were resuscitated; Catholic and other Protestant associations, called Association Brunswick Clubs, were established on the 1828. model of the Catholic Association, and collected a Protestant rent.1 meetings, Meanwhile, the agitation fomented by the Catholic Association was most threatening. Meet- Dangerous ings were assembled to which large bodies Sept., 1828. of Catholics marched in military array, bearing flags and music, dressed in uniforms, and disciplined to word of command. Such assemblages were obviously dangerous to the public peace. Ministers and the Irish executive watched them with solicitude and long balanced between the evils of permitting such demonstrations, on the one side, and precipitating a bloody collision with excited masses of the people, on the other. They were further embarrassed by counter demonstrations of the Protestants, and by the hot zeal of the Orange Societies, which represented their cautious vigilance as timidity, and their inaction as an abandonment of the functions of government. They were advised that such meetings, having no defi- tion against nite object sanctioned by law, and being 1st, 1828. assembled in such numbers and with such organisation as to strike a well-grounded fear into peaceable inhabitants, were illegal by the common law, even when accompanied by no act of violence. And at 1 Wyse, i. 347-359. 2 Proclama them, Oct. Opinion of attorney and solicitor-general of England.-Sir R. Peel's Mem., i. 225; Queen v. Soley, 11 Modern Reports, and King v. Hunt and others. |