bly consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen independent states are to be accommodated in their interests, or opinions of interest. . . . Hence, the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars, which are to compose the whole, in such a manner as to satisfy all the parties to the compact; and hence, also, an immense multiplication of difficulties and casualties in obtaining the collective assent to a final act. The degree of that multiplication must evidently be, in a ratio to the number of particulars, and the number of parties."

powers,

Ibid., for February. "The representative of a people is, as to his in the situation of an attorney, whose letters commission him to do everything which his constituent could do, were he on the spot." [i. e. if his powers were general; if specific, he would be confined thereto.]

"The individuals who compose a political society or state have a sovereign right to establish what form of government they please in their own territory."

In review of the Federalist, Montesquieu's idea, that republican government is only fit for small territory, is combated: "By the modern practice of representation, a very large extent of country may be governed by the republican form; and even Montesquieu himself admits that a confederation of republics may be so formed as to unite the happiness of free states with the vigor of monarchies. The new constitution may be an improvement on the Lycian league, which that writer proposes as a model."

Ibid. The editor, Noah Webster, says, in reply to objections: That the federal constitution "will preserve our equal republican forms of government, nay that it is their only firm support, and the guarantee of their existence. And, if they consent to the additions and alterations proposed by the Massachusetts convention, it is not so much because they think the constitution will be the better for them, but, because they think these additions will reconcile the opposition, and unite all parties."

Ibid., June, "American intelligence." "In convention of the people of South Carolina, by their representatives held," etc.:

"The convention having maturely considered the constitution, or form of government, reported by the convention, etc., do, in the name, and behalf of the people of this state, hereby assent to, and ratify, the said constitution. . . . Done in convention, the 23d of May," etc.

News is given of the ratification by New Hampshire-yeas 57, nays 46, majority 11. "On the arrival of this important intelligence- the ratification by the NINTH STATE, the citizens of New York testified their joy by the ring. ing of bells and firing of cannon.”

It is announced that "the convention of the state of New York has just met, Gov. Clinton, president, and that they have determined to discuss the con

stitution by paragraphs.'

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State of New Hampshire. In convention of the delegates of the people of the state of New Hampshire, June the 21st, 1788: The convention having impartially discussed, and fully considered, the constitution for the united states of America, reported to congress by the convention of delegates, etc., and submitted to us by resolution of the general court of this state, . . . do, in the name and behalf of the people of the state of New Hampshire, assent to and ratify," etc.

Ibid., Aug., 1788. "Letter dated Richmond, August 6, says the convention of North Carolina had rejected the new constitution by a majority of 100. New York rejected the proceedings, and Georgia refused to send delegates to the first congress. And yet, both of these states, two years

afterwards, were foremost in zeal and activity in supporting the independence of the united states."

Delegation to congress from Massachusetts. The Massachusetts general court, Nov. 4, 1788, decided: "

1. That the electors for president, etc., are to be chosen by the two houses on joint ballot;

2. That the senators shall be chosen by the two houses, each having a negative on the other;

3. That the commonwealth be divided into eight districts - -the inhabitants of each choosing a representative.

"The state of New Hampshire has chosen Langdon and Bartlette for federal senators."

Edmond Randolph has resigned the governorship of Virginia, to go into the house of representatives to explain and defend the federal constitution to the legislature."

COLUMBIAN MAGAZINE, 1786-89.

The Columbian Magazine of December, 1786, strongly argues for a new federal system," as follows:

"We preclude ourselves from the means of calling forth our national strength and resources, by harboring absurd jealousies of the great national council. We withhold powers necessary to render the federal government efficient, and to unite the various interests of the several states. . . . Each state is induced to arrogate to itself individually, that portion of sovereignty, which it ought only to exercise in conjunction with others, as a part of one commonwealth the empire of the united states. . . . Our political difficulties have been principally occasioned by the want of powers in congress adequate to the government of the united states. Let these be granted," etc.

From the Columbian Magazine, Sept., 1787: "The proposed plan of a federal constitution is sanctioned by the federal convention, thus: Done in convention by the unanimous consent of the states present, the 17th day of September,' etc., etc.; and the project is signed by states."

The following is an extract from the journal:

"In convention, Monday, Sept. 17, 1787: present, the states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Mr. Hamilton, from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia:

Resolved, that the preceding constitution," etc. They then go on to recommend that it be submitted in each state to a convention elected by the people thereof, and "that as soon as the conventions of nine states shall have ratified it," the congress shall provide for starting it into effect.

Ibid., March, 1788. Extracts from letter of Gen. Washington, Feb. 28, 1788. "The adoption of the constitution in Massachusetts will, I presume, be greatly influential in obtaining a favorable determination upon it in those states where the question is yet to be agitated. No person can, at this moment, pretend to say what will be its fate here. But from what I can collect, I have no doubt of its being accepted."

A letter from Baltimore, dated April 28, says: "Our convention have adopted the new government by a great majority of votes-63 to 11. Tomorrow it is to be ratified in form."

"South Carolina: In convention May 23, a motion was made and seconded, That this convention do assent to, and ratify, the constitution agreed to, on the 17th of September last, by the convention of the united states of America,

held at Philadelphia.' The yeas and nays being called fornays 73, majority 76."

were ayes 149,

Ibid., July, 1788. "On Friday, July 4, 1788, the citizens of Philadelphia commemorated American independence, and the ratification of the federal constitution by ten of the united states." At a previous meeting of the citizens, they had agreed "to celebrate the adoption of the federal constitution on the fourth of July, provided NINE states had then entered into the union under the new system. When this agreement took place, eight states had announced their ratifications, and the conventions of the states of New Hampshire, Virginia and New York were in session." Unfavorable rumors caused much anxiety and suspense. "At length the ratification of New Hampshire was received, . . . and on the evening of the second of July, the account of the ratification by Virginia arrived; the satisfaction of the people was made complete, and the TENTH pillar triumphantly added to the federal edifice. . . Ten ships were anchored in the Delaware, to represent the ten states that have adopted the constitution. Ten flags, borne by ten gentlemen, represented the ten states that have adopted the constitution." James Wilson made the speech, saying: "In state after state, at time after time, it was ratified-in some states unanimously."

...

Ibid., Dec., 1788. "The state of Pennsylvania has passed a law for electing representatives to congress, under the new constitution, . . . and also for the election of electors for president."

Ibid., Dec., 1789. "TWELFTH FEDERAL PILLAR — NORTH CAROLINA. It is with a great degree of satisfaction we announce to the public THE RATIFICATION of the CONSTITUTION of the UNITED STATES by the respectable state of North Carolina." The statement continues that it was on the 20th of November "vote, yeas 193, nays 75, majority 118."

It had been rejected by the same state August 1, 1788, by a majority of 100, i. e., 188 to 88.

[Extracts from the Massachusetts Magazine for March, 1789.]

These extracts are added, to show what the leaders and the people then understood the American polity to be. The constitution had then been adopted, and the government provided for had been elected, or was being so; and it was in that or the following month to go into operation.

The absolute integrity and sovereignty of the states as makers and members of, and actors in, the union, are taken for granted throughout.

Summary of American news and politics."

"NEW HAMPSHIRE. This state is now engaged in her domestic elections," etc. [In the previous number she was said to have "completed" "her federal elections."]

"MASSACHUSETTS also engaged in her state elections. . . . Seven of the federal representatives of this state are chosen," etc.

CONNECTICUT. Every day adds to the progress this state is making in manufactures," etc. She is complimented on the peaceful and "federal character of her citizens."

NEW YORK. This state, as we mentioned in our last, is still torn by the feuds of faction." It is further said that "the assembly adjourned" "without appointing federal senators." "The choice of federal representatives for this state commenced the 3d instant."

"NEW JERSEY." Messrs. Schureman, Cadwallader, Boudinot and Sinnickson are elected ""representatives for that state."

"PENNSYLVANIA.

etc., etc.

The federal character of this state is further exalted,"

"DELAWARE. Of this state, we know but little. Her federal elections are completed, and, enjoying the reputation of being the first which acceded to the new government, she does not appear anxious to engage in the discussion of those great political points, which have created so much uneasiness in some of her sister states."

"MARYLAND. This state is holding out inducements to congress to make Baltimore the place of their residence," etc.

"VIRGINIA. This state has at length completed its choice of ten representatives -eight of whom are said to be federalists," etc.

"SOUTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA. From these states we have received no other information since our last, than that their electors have given a unanimous vote in favor of his Excellency George Washington, Esq., as president of the united states, by which the memorable circumstance is authenticated that the voice of the WHOLE CONTINENT has called our Fabius Maximus once more to rescue our country from the inauspicious ills that have threatened her." This state has expressed a wish to be admitted a member of

"VERMONT.

the union," etc.

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RHODE ISLAND. This foreign state has again refused to accede to a union with her late sisters. Anxious of enjoying the protection of the union, the inhabitants of Newport, Providence, and other places are determined to sue for its protection, and to be annexed to Massachusetts or Connecticut thereby to evince to their perverse legislature, that unless they take measures for a speedy adoption of the constitution their boasted sovereignty as an independent state, will ere long be at an end."

"NORTH CAROLINA. This other foreign state, has lately evinced a disposition to become a member of the united states," etc.

APPENDIX B.

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

WITH THE PARTIES TO IT, THE AMENDMENTS, AND THE DIFFERING PROVISIONS OF THE CONFEDERATE CONSTITUTION OF 1861.

THE object of this appendix is twofold: not only is it to give a full copy of the present federal constitution, but to exhibit the changes made by the confederate states in their attempt to establish and enjoy federal liberty. Some of the changes were purposed to make more plain the real meaning of the constitution of 1788, according to the southern view; and others to make the federal system more conservative of liberty and human rights, and more effective in harnessing power and preventing usurpation.

Both the federal and confederate constitutions were lifeless plans as to a given state until the breath of life was breathed into it by that state.

The federal was originally adopted by thirteen states, containing less than four millions of people; while the confederate was adopted by nearly the same number of states, containing eleven or twelve millions of people.

It is not necessary to note the constant change of "united" for "confederate" to the intelligent reader.

Precisely where the substitution of the confederate change begins, is designated by a star.

The only acts in American history or records which ever gave any life or validity to the federal constitution are affixed. They were enacted or ordained by each state in its own exclusive convention, which spoke its own exclusive mind. Webster forever settled this point in his self-stultifying speech of 1833, as follows: "Until the constitution was ratified by nine states, it was but a proposal the mere draft of an instrument. It was like a deed drawn but not executed; . . . it was inoperative paper; it had no authority; it spoke no language."

Of course the enacting or ordaining words affixed, spoke it into life and validity; and the object here is to enable the people to see and know it.

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

We, the people of the united states, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves