slightest allusion to such a personage. On the contrary, the whol system, as far as it is rendered intelligible by the few sentences which have been selected for the public eye, is absolutely inconsistent with any such idea. It seems to relate to the due fulfilment of contracts between farmers and their workmen ;-to the regulation of the periods and hours of work ;-to an equal distribution of the labour of repairing the highways; and to the repression of vagrancy. And in these respects it bears a close analogy to the laws on the same subject which exist in England. Every thing is decided by the law and by the magistrate; and the penalties consist in all cases either of a pecuniary fine or imprisonment, or, as the gentlemen of the Jamaica Assembly tell us, in the forfeiture of wages.* *

Mr. Hibbert pretends to be very angry that a Mr. Henderson, a merchant of Hayti, and some other writer on the subject, should have attributed to the gentlemen of Jamaica, with whom these rash publications and incorrect statements originated, a malignity of purpose as respected the people of Hayti. We will not enter into the dispute between Mr. Hibbert and Mr. Henderson, especially as we understand the latter gentleman to have quitted England. But we cannot wonder that Mr. Henderson, or any man of plain understanding, who finds before him a prima facie case of forgery as it respects one document, and of the grossest misrepresentation as it respects another--the whole accompanied by the most injurious as well as unfounded inferences-should employ a somewhat ardent expression of feeling towards those whom he deemed the deliberate and wilful calumniators, by such means, of himself and his Haytian brethren. We hope soon to see the whole of this disputed code before the public. In the mean time, we would remark, that our impression of the probable state of the case is simply this; an impression, however, for the accuracy of which we do not vouch. -The government of Hayti had contracted to make certain large payments to France in consideration of the recognition by that country of its independence. Good faith required that these payments should be punctually made; and justice required that the contributions necessary to that end should be borne as fairly and equally as possible by the Haytian people. How could this be effected but by requiring every individual, whose freedom had been secured by the arrangement, to contribute his fair share of the cost of it? To effect this object, the Legislature of Hayti, elected by the people of Hayti, appear to have passed a law to prevent the whole burden of that contribution from falling, as it must otherwise do, on the industrious part of the population; and to oblige the most idle and worthless to lend their aid. A measure proceeding on such a general principle as this would be beneficial in every state as well as in Hayti, and at all times equally with the present. Why it was adopted at this particular time, and not before, by the Haytian Legislature, is probably to be accounted for by the new and

It is a strong indication of the disingenuousness with which the particular clauses of this Code, given to the public, have been selected, that but for this unguarded observation, we should not have known that wages had formed a part of the case at all. Every article in the Code which relates to wages has been carefully left out in these excerpta. The entire Code, however, will soon be forthcoming.

peculiar exigencies of their situation. Whether all the regulations of the code, when they shall be made known, will prove to be such as sound political economists can approve, is another question. Judging, however, from the brief specimen of it which we have been permitted to peruse, we should say, that though exceptions may be taken to some of its regulations, yet, on the whole, it indicates a vast advance in freedom and civilization since the period of Toussaint's proclamation; and furnishes abundant proof that the condition of the Haytian labourer is as remote from that of the colonial slave, as the condition of the slave differs from that of the peasant of England or of France.

OUTRAGEOUS ATTACK ON METHODISTS IN JAMAICA.

On the 13th instant, Dr. Lushington brought to the knowledge of the House of Commons, the following act of lawless violence, almost equalling in atrocity the outrage committed, in Barbadoes, against Mr. Shrewsbury.-On Christmas day last, the militia regiment had been called out, in the parish of St. Ann, to keep watch and ward over the slave population; and to protect the property, and preserve the safety of their masters. The regiment assisted at divine service, which was performed at the parish church, and was addressed in a sermon, by the Rev. Mr. Bridges, late Chaplain to the Bishop of Jamaica. That discourse was replete with inflammatory language, directed against the Methodist Missionaries in the Island, and inciting to acts of outrage and bloodshed. The white company of the regiment was, in the course of the afternoon, left on guard in the vicinity of the house of Mr. Radcliffe, the Methodist Missionary. Towards midnight an attack was made on the missionary meeting-house. and on the house of Mr. Radcliffe the missionary, inhabited by himself, his wife, children, and servants. The attack was made with muskets and horse-pistols, and fourteen musket balls were fired into the house, not hurriedly, but by word of command. The guard was all this time on duty in the close vicinity of Mr. Radcliffe's house, but no attempt at interference took place on their part; and it was owing, not to the humanity of this white company, or to the Christian exhortations of the Reverend Mr. Bridges, but to the accident of the balls not having taken effect, that murder was not added to outrage and violence. Dr. L's object in moving for information on the subject, was to induce the House, by instituting an enquiry, not only to visit the guilty with punishment, but to prevent all encroachment on the principles of toleration and religious freedom. To the Wesleyan Missionaries this country was indebted for the small portion of instruction and religious knowledge at present to be found among the lower classes and slave population of the West Indies. But for them, the whole of the black population of the West Indies would have continued in a state of idolatry and paganism. Government had most wisely determined to give a Bishop and additional Clergy to the Island, but he should grieve, if the Church Establishment there were to engage in the wicked attempt to exterminate all other sects. If such an attempt were made to oppress them, he would be the first to come forward to enable them to obtain that protection to which, by the laws of God and of the land, they were entitled.

What an example of subordination too did these white militia men set to their free black and coloured brethren in arms; and to the slave population?-But the matter did not stop here. On the Sunday following, (two days only having elapsed from the commission of the outrage,) the same clergyman alluded to the act of violence which had been perpetrated, and repeated the same sermon. It was right the House should know who this Rev. Mr. Bridges was. He was a Gentleman who had first rendered himself notorious by a libel on the character of Mr. Wilberforce, whom he had thus designated :- "Mel in ore, Verba lactis, Fel in corde, Fraus in factis." For this mode of treating this venerated name, Mr. Bridges had been rewarded with a considerable sum of money, by the House of Assembly; and the Bishop of Jamaica had further rewarded him, by appointing him his chaplain, though at the time of the outrage, the Rev. Gentleman no longer continued to hold this office. He hoped some way might be discovered to punish not only those who had fired the bullets, but the instigator to that act of violence. He was not surprised at the act, after the transaction which had occurred at Barbadoes, and the impunity with which it had been attended. True, he had a better opinion of Jamaica, than of Barbadoes. He understood, that soon after this occurrence, Col. Cox had endeavoured to investigate it. He did not know the result of the investigation, but hoped it would be attended with better consequences than the inquiry at Barbadoes, He trusted, the colony would anticipate the mother country in the adoption of a remedy for the evil. After what had occurred at Barbadoes, however, he was resolved not to allow one instance of intolerance in the West India Islands to pass, without immediately bringing it before the House. The Hon. and Learned Member concluded by moving for "Copies of all dispatches received, or which may be received from Jamaica, respecting an attack on the Wesleyan Missionary Meeting, and dwelling-houses, in the parish of St. Ann, in the month of December last."

Government, it appears, has as yet received no official information on the subject.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS RELATIVE TO SUGAR DUTIES. The subject of the Sugar Duties has been fixed several times for discussion in the House of Commons, but owing to various accidental causes has hitherto been postponed. It is understood, however, that in the progress of the Annual Duties' Bill through the House, that part of it which respects Sugar will be fully canvassed. Besides this, Mr. Whitmore has given notice of a specific motion, in the ensuing month of May, on the subject of the restrictions which cramp our East India Trade. Several petitions have already been sent up from those commercial and manufacturing districts which are more immediately interested in this question;-and who, indeed, is not interested in it? A Petition from Manchester, signed by near 400 of the principal merchants and manufacturers of that important place, contains a statement, which is substantially, to the following effect, viz:

That, in consequence of the restrictions imposed by this country upon the importation of the raw produce of other countries, and the general commercial

policy heretofore adopted, Nations which were formerly our best customers, have been induced to lay heavy duties upon our manufactures, to obtain machinery or the means of making it from this neighbourhood, and to prevail upon our workmen to emigrate. By these means they have been enabled to produce a considerable proportion of the goods with which we formerly supplied them, and, in some instances, to rival us in other markets.

That these circumstances have largely contributed to the present state of extreme suffering and privation to which the labouring classes in this town and neighbourhood are subjected, and for which, if some remedy is not applied, by opening fresh markets for the produce of their industry, the Petitioners apprehend they must see these sufferings and privation of their workmen still continue or increase; the means of supplying them with employment daily diminish; and their best artisans leave them to find a more ample subsistence by transferring their abilities to the services, and for the aggrandisement of rival nations.

That this country has, within her own dominions, the means of accomplishing much, by facilitating the trade with our East Indian possessions—A trade which, though it has been progressively and rapidly increasing from this neighbourhood, and has become highly important, would have been much more extended had it not been obstructed by the difficulty of obtaining profitable returns; a difficulty caused in a great measure by many important articles of East Indian produce, being burthened with higher duties than similar articles imported from our West India Colonies.

That the ground of reciprocal advantage on which the protection was granted to the West Indians, has now ceased by the removal of the restrictions imposed upon them as regarded the shipping of their produce to this country.

That, although many European nations and the United States of America are allowed a free trade with our East Indian possessions, and by obtaining the produce of these countries in exchange for their own, become carriers of it to other parts of the world; yet, still if the duties upon East Indian productions were only equal to those upon West Indian produce, this country might enter into a fair competition with them, and thereby be enabled to feed her famishing workmen, employ more largely her shipping, increase the revenue, and more firmly rivet, by the bonds of mutual interest and mutual benefits, the connection between Great Britain, and this most important of her dependencies.

That, as the bounty paid upon the refined sugar raises the price of all sugar consumed in this country, and is not only a heavy burden upon the people, but limits the consumption of that article, and is, therefore, an obstacle in the way of a more extended sale of our manufactures, the Petitioners, therefore, earnestly pray, that the House will take these subjects into their serious consideration, and by removing the bounty now paid on the export of refined sugar, and reducing the duties upon the imports from our East Indian possessions to the same scale as those paid upon similar articles from the West Indian Colonies, allow the Petitioners that room for the employment of capital and extension of industry to which, in accordance with the line of policy sanctioned by Parliament, they beg leave humbly to represent that they consider themselves entitled.

This, and all other publications of the Society, may be had at their office 18, Aldermanbury; or at Messrs. Hatchards, 187, Piccadilly, and Arch's, Cornhill. They may also be procured, through any bookseller, or at the depots of the AntiSlavery Society throughout the kingdom.

London:-BAGSTER & THOMS, Printers, 14, Bartholomew Close.

No. 23.

London, 18, Aldermanbury, April 30, 1827.

ANTI-SLAVERY

MONTHLY REPORTER.

The "ANTI-SLAVERY MONTHLY REPORTER" will be ready for delivery on the last day of every month. Copies will be forwarded, at the request of any AntiSlavery Society, at the rate of four shillings per hundred, when not exceeding half a sheet, and in proportion, when it exceeds that quantity. All persons wishing to receive a regular supply are requested to make application to the Secretary, at the Society's office, No. 18, Aldermanbury, and mention the conveyance by which they may be most conveniently sent. Single Copies may be had of all booksellers and newsmen, at the rate of 2d. per sheet of sixteen pages.

CORRECTION OF A MISTAKE.-RURAL CODE OF HAYTI.REMARKS UPON IT.-WEST INDIA REPORTER, &c.

Correction of a mistake in the last Number.-An error of some magnitude crept into a note at p. 316 of our last Number, which was discovered in time to be corrected only in a part of the impression. It arose from confounding, in the haste of preparation, the column which exhibited the whole export of sugar from this country, including both British plantation and Foreign, with the amount of raw sugar exported in a refined state. The Note ought to have stood as follows:

The bounty on sugar, which amounts to about three shillings a cwt, (half having been taken off last year,) draws from the Exchequer, for an export of about 740,000 cwt., the sum of about 111,000. The additional price levied on the public on account of our internal consumption, which amounts to about 3,000,000 cwt. is about 450,000/., making together 560,000l. The effect of the protecting duty of 10s. against East India, and 36s, against foreign sugar cannot be very accurately ascertained, If we estimate it at the low rate of 6s. a cwt. 900,000l. more is thus taken out of the pockets of the British consumers, making a grand total of upwards of 1,460,000l. or at the average rate of from 800 to 900?. a year to each slave-holding sugar planter. This sum, indeed, is divided among them in very unequal proportions, some of them importing more largely than others; but it may be estimated to yield to the sugar farmer at least eight pounds sterling for every ton of sugar he imports. That is to say, the rich and the poor of this country are burdened tothis enormous extent, not only to supply luxuries to about 1300 sugar farmers, but to enable them, with profit to themselves, to go on wasting the lives of their slaves, at a rate which would ultimately unpeople the world.

RURAL CODE OF HAYTI.

It is a satisfaction to us to have it in our power to lay before the public a literal translation of the whole of this interesting and much misrepresented document. It is printed in a 12mo. form, and the title page runs thus "Rural Code of Hayti. Port au Prince, from the printing press of the Government. July, 1826."