norance, submitted to be made artificially miserable. Let us explode that folly which we see; and let every mortal under the cope of heaven enjoy existence, as long as nature will allow the feast to continue, without any restraints on liberty but such as the majority of uncorrupted guests unite in agreeing to be salutary, and therefore conducive to the general festivity. Men are too serious in pursuing toys, money, titles, stars, ribands, triumphs, any thing that gives a momentary distinction, and gratifies an unmanly pride. They have embraced a cloud for a goddess. Let them dispel the mist, raised by false policy and cruel despotism. Let them at last distinguish real good, from its delusive appearance. Let them value duly, and pursue diligently, solid comfort, health, cheerfulness, contentment, universal benevolence, and learn to relish the sweets of nature and simplicity. They will then see happiness in something besides the possession of gold; besides those external marks of superiority which raise them to notice, and distinguish them from their equals without a difference. Strife and wars will cease, when men perceive that their highest happiness is most easily attainable in a state. of contented tranquility; their guide, nature, and their guard, innocence.

The principal objects ofall rational government, such as is intended to promote human

happiness, are two; to preserve peace, and to diffuse plenty. Such government will seldom tax the necessaries of life. It will avoid WARS; and, by such humane and wise policy, render taxes on necessaries totally superfluous. Taxes on necessaries are usually caused by war. The poor, however, are not easily excited to insurrection. It is a base calumny which accuses them. They are naturally quiescent; inclined to submis. sion by their habits, and willing to reverence all their superiors who behave to them justly and kindly. They deserve to be used well. They deserve confidence. But op. pression and persecution may teach them to lift their gigantic arm, and then vain will be resistance. Let not wars then be wantonly undertaken, which besides their injustice and inhumanity, tend more than any thing else, by increasing taxes, to compel insurrection. The poor man hears great praises bestowed on the government he lives under, and perpetual panegyrics on the constitution. He knows little of general politics. He judges from the effects he FEELS.

He knows that malt,* leather, candles, soap, salt, and windows, without which he cannot exist in comfort, are so heavily taxed as

* I heard a great borough-monger of eleven or twelve thousand a year affert, while he held a glafs of Madeira in his hand to wash down a plentiful dinner, that malt could not be reckoned among the necessaries of the poor laborer, because he might drink water, which is very wholesome.

sometimes to exclude him from obtaining the scanty portion he would require. In return for the defalcations from malt, leather, candles, soap, salt, and windows; he sees pensions, places, rich contractors, disgraceful, ruinous, and bloody wars. Yet he ri ses up early, and goeth forth to his work and his labor with cheerfulness. Is he not a worthy, respectable member of society, and deserving of every indulgence? Ought he to be insulted by opprobrious appellations, considered as of no political consequence, as possessing no rights, and little removed from the cattle? Suppose millions of such men in a country, ought not their wishes to be consulted, and a regard for their comfort and security to stop the sword, while emerg ing from its scabbard at the command of a MINISTER ?

Great reforms usually come from the peo ple. They are slow to anger, and submit in patience. But grievances may become intolerable; and then their energy displays itself like a torrent, that has long lain still and plácid within the dam, which opposed its course to a certain point, but could resist no longer.

If ever any people should be roused to take their own affairs into their own hands, I hope they will refute the calumnies of the proud, by acting with justice and mercy. All human creatures are weak and fallible;

kings and ministers have exhibited remarkable instances of this common imbecility. Great allowances should therefore be made for their errors and even crimes, which probably, originated in error. I wish to see the British government made as perfect as human ingenuity and virtue can render it; but I would effect reform in it, without injuring the person or destroying the life of the most obnoxious individual. I would pardon much to human infirmity. Not one drop of blood should be shed, nor a single mite of property violated. No injustice whatever should disgrace the wisdom of the people. Compensations should be made by the public to all individuals, of all parties and persuasions, when compelled to relinquish possessions or privileges lawfully inherited, or honestly acquired. The most liberal, expanded generosity should vindicate the honor of human nature, too long insulted. Ministers and grandees, who form the aristocracy, either of opulence or nobility, however tyrannical and insolent in the day of their prosperity, should live out the little space allotted to man, in a state of ease and affluence adapted to their habits and education. I would shew them how truly noble and glorious it is to forgive. And they could not be formidable against an united people.... For how weak, how transitory is man?.... Death, natural, unprecipitated death, will

soon tame the haughtiest spirit that ever swelled the fancied importance of a crown, and the infirmities attending the approach of death, the gradual decays of age, will usually teach a lesson of unfeigned humility.

The people, at present, appear to be sunk in a political lethargy. But let not minis ters confide too much in the symptoms. A calm precedes a storm. Long continued abuses, heavy burdens, and severe grievances, without a dream of hope, may awaken the lion. Then, I think those who have shewn an inclination to set up a power unknown to constitutional freedom, and to render government hostile to the people, may justly fear.

And who, it may be asked, are they? I am happy in the opportunity of declaring it my opinion, that the KING is not among them. They are men to whom neither the King nor the people are dear. They are, in a word, the oligarchy of boroughmongers, whose power is founded on an usurpation; and whose assumed soVEREIGNTY is no less inconsistent with the real freedom of a king than of a people. A most respectable society, not long ago, asserted in a petition to the House of Commons, and offered to prove it at the bar, that one hundred and fifty-four men nominate and appoint a majority of the House. Has