Tace; and the victory which he obtained over Thierri in the year 687, at the Battle of Tertri, altogether annihilated their authority, though it still left them in possession of the title of king. Some writers here terminate the Merovingian, and begin the Carlovingian Race; but Thierri, and several mere of the same family, his successors, continued nominally kings. They were brought forward on certain solemn occasions as puppets, with all the outward ensigns of royalty, and even sur rounded by guards; but it was more to prevent their intercourse with the people, than either for state or safety.' The policy observed and the humanity exercised by Pepin, and by his son, Charles Martel, served to confirm their power, and to enable their successors to assume what alone was wanting to them, the name of royalty. Pepin, the second son of Charles Martel, had placed Childeric the 3d on the throne int the year 743, and he was the last of the Merovingian race; who, beginning with Clovis, to the number of thirty-two kings, had filled the throne of France for 270 years. The causes which contributed to the fall of the one race and the rise of the other are thus stated by Mr. Ranken:

Rudeness, ferocity, and cruelty, generally characterised them till the reign of Clotaire 11.; after him the empire was less divided, and less distracted by civil wars. But the kings themselves became more sensual, superstitious, and indolent. Their frequent and long minorities, particularly after the reign of Dagobert, contributed to the diminution of their dignity and power, and to the increase of the authority and supreme power of the mayors. As the one descended, the other naturally rose, till the people were at last accustomed to look on the latter as their sovereigns. In the progress of a century, veneration for antiquity itself loses its influence; and respect is transferred by new associations, and by new generations of men, from those whose fame is known by means only of history or tradition, to those whose character and atchievements are every day the subject of attention and admiration.

The first Pepin and Charles Martel were both illustrious examples of this effect. Their military skill and valour, their political sagacity, their general good fortune in advancing them personally, aggrandised the state. Pepin, the son of Charles, had already shown, both in his castern and western expeditions, and in his general administration before and after the resignation of Carloman, that he was not inferior to any of his predecessors. His civil government was vigorous, yet mild and gentle; sufficient for restraining licentiousness and criminal disorders, and calculated at the same time to promote and maintain industry, justice, and peace. His public conduct was not more ingratiating, than were his personal affability and agreeable manners. If a few of the nobles were envious, or jealous of his high rank and power, they were just suficient to render him the more prudent and cautious. His liberality to the church, and his particular attention to the clergy, secured their favour; and their approbation and infuCc 4

ence

ence were of great importance in the part which he now resolved to

act.

In deposing Childeric, and assuming to himself the august title of king, he considered that the sanction of the pope might diminish the scruples of the people, and convey the crown to him with a religious weight, which might fix it on his head with a firmness equal to that of family and hereditary descent.

He had cultivated a close intercourse with Zachary, the reigning pope. He often consulted him about ecclesiastical affairs, and caused his answers to be read to the clergy, and to be observed by them with respect and submission. This both gratified the pope, and accus. tomed the clergy and people to reverence and obey him.

Zachary, on the other hand, like his predecessor,was involved in the controversy respecting image worship, and was threatened by the arms of both the emperor and the king of the Lombards. The emperor was at the head of the Iconoclasts; the Lombards were Arians; Spain was now subject to the Saracens; and a great part of Germany was still idolatrous. Zachary could place his hope of protection and aid in France alone. He had formerly solicited these without effect, and only waited a more favourable juncture for repeating and enforcing his requests. None could be more favourable than that which was now presented to him. In bestowing or confirming a crown, he might hope for his protection at least on whom he con. ferred it. He saw, besides, that such an interposition of his authority must increase the importance and influence of the Holy See, and lay a precedent for future interferences of the like nature in the civil and political affairs of Europe.

At the same time, Pepin proceeded with the utmost delicacy and caution in proposing the matter to him. He knew the importance of a first impression, and was anxious that it should be favourable. Having gained Boniface, bishop of Mayence, the most zealous and popular of all the clergy, and the most intimate with Zachary, he entrusted to him the communication of his design.

He was not kept long in suspence. His proposal, he was assured, had been well received at Rome. He now therefore more openly and formally deputed the bishop of Virsburgh, and the abbot of St. Denis, to propose as a case of conscience, which required the judgment and sanction of the highest and most sacred authority, "Whether, considering the present state of Europe, it were expedient that the nominal, and real source of authority in the French empire, should be divided? Or, considering the incapacity of Childeric, the lustre of Pepin's family for a century past, and his own high reputation, whether, having been so long in possession of all power, he ought now actually to assume the rank and title of king."

The case having been duly examined by the pope, he returned the following judgment: "That having considered the whole circumstances of the subject proposed to him, he was satisfied that he who is in possession of the reins of government, may also assume the name of king."

Matters being so far prepared, Pepin next assembled the states of the kingdom, a great part of whom also were in the secret. The

business

business was introduced, and conducted by his friends. They stated the services which his family had rendered to the empire, the peace and prosperity which it now enjoyed under his administration, the danger to which it might be exposed from the Saracens, or the tributary nations now overawed by his vigilance and authority: that to secure the tranquillity of the state, and the happiness of the people, it was highly prudent and justifiable to confer on real ability and worth, the reward due to so many inestimable services: in a word, that it was their interest and their duty to request the noble Pepin's consent, that his title of duke may be changed into that of king of France; that there was no real obstacle; Childeric should be provided for, suitably to his rank and capacity: that the case, as far as religion and conscience were concerned, had been examined by the father of the Christian church, and that he, judging it to be for the interest of both church and state, had advised the calling of this assembly, and the communication of this measure, for their deliberation and decision.

His friends applauded the scheme; others readily joined their approbation. They expressed their decision by a general acclamation. Measures were taken without delay for the solemn inaugura-i tion; Pepin was crowned and proclaimed king of France, and placed, with his queen Beitrade, formally on the throne.

To give the more solemnity to his inauguration, and to render his person and royalty the more sacred, Boniface archbishop of Mayence, and the pope's legate, who attended on this occasion, anointed and consecrated him, after the manner of the kings of Israel. This ceremony, observed now probably for the first time in France, became customary thenceforward at the coronation of the French kings.

A suitable account of this event, the reasons of it, the pope's opinion and approbation of it, and the unanimous act of the assembly, were all industriously published and circulated over the empire, and every one seems to have participated in the general joy.

Childeric, dethroned and deserted, was shaved, and conducted to a monastery, where he died about three or four years after. He had one son, who was in like manner withdrawn from a public and political, to a retired and religious state.'

The author now proceeds to give a view of the transactions in which Pepin was engaged; these he states with clearness and impartiality, and concludes with the following short character of that prince :

His

No man in so elevated and active a station, and especially in cir cumstances so critical as attended the revolution in his favour, ever maintained a character, either considered personally or politically,. more irreproachable, or more highly respectable than Pepin. prud nce was remarkable even to a proverb. In the field, in the council, in the assembly of the people, his opinion was usually solicited, and readily followed. His plans, his decisions, his enterprises, all his measures, were wise and successful.

6

Few princes gave so great a share in the administration to the nobles; but the more he condescended, the greater authority and

real

real dignity he acquired. No faction disturbed his government, or ever appeared to disquiet his mind. He ascended the throne without bloodshed, and reigned without exciting the groan of oppression.

He appears to have possessed that well-balanced mind which was not indifferent to any circumstance, but deliberately judged of every step which he pursued. He had quick feelings, and an acute discernment; but his sensibility was regulated by his prudence. Though his habitual thoughtfulness gave an expression of gravity to his temper and manner, he entered cheerfully, and with good humour, into the occasional mirth of his company, and all the ordinary amusements of the times.

His body was short, but stout and vigorous. At a public show, while a strong lion held a furious bull by the throat almost strangled, he proposed that some of the company should step forward and rescue him. No one daring to attempt it, he rose from his seat, leaped on the stage, cut the throat of the lion, and with one stroke of his sabre cut off the head of the bull; then turning to the company, said, "David was a little man, who slew Goliah; Alexander also was but of little stature, yet had he more strength and courage than many of his officers, who were taller and handsomer than himself."

With the death of Charlemagne, the first chapter of the present volume is closed. As the events of his reign have been frequently discussed, we shall only introduce the author's character of this illustrious prince, under whom the kingdom of France attained its greatest extent and power; referring our readers to the IXth vol. of Mr. Gibbon's history (p. 174.) for the different lights in which he has represented the same per

sonage.

Charlemagne was of a robust and firm constitution, rather above the common stature. His person was altogether manly and majestic; his countenance open and agreeable; his eyes large, lively, and engaging; his nose aquiline, and his voice clear, though, considering his size, rather feeble.

His mental talents were more solid than brilliant. A compre hensive and clear understanding, improved by experience, rendered his judgment decisive, and his resolution firm. His mind and habits were formed for extensive business. He accounted it no trouble to rise during the night from his bed, to exercise authority in civil matters; and he often administered justice, or gave orders to the various officers of state, when he was dressing himself. His just discernment of human charac er made him generally happy in the choice of his public officers, and of course almost uniformly successful in his military enterprises, as well as in his ordinary civil administration. He formed his plans with sagacity and prudence, began them with caution, and in their execution was determined and vigorous.

'As a monarch, there is no doubt that he shed much blood. Some apology, however, may be made for him. In every case where he engaged in war, he seems to have done it from a sense of duty. Am. bition certainly mingled its influence; for men, even in their purest and best state, are seldom influenced by single motives, and it cannot

be

be denied that he was ambitious. In the Italian wars, to which he was called by the bishop of Rome, he appeared to be discharging the duty which he owed to the church and religion, in protecting her against her enemics. In the Spanish war, to which also he was invited by the princes of that country, he appeared as the protector of the oppressed, and as strengthening the barrier of the church on that side against the infidels, so formidable in preceding reigns. The turbulence of the people, or of their princes, in Aquitaine, Bavaria, Saxony, and other parts of Germany, seems always to have been the occasion of the wars and severities with which he visited them. Though these reasons may not altogether justify him, they ought to have alleviated a little the acrimony with which some writers have treated his character.

He exercised mercy

As a man, he was humane and generous. and compassion, as far as was consistent with justice and wise policy, This temper indeed being sometimes abused, was the cause of subsequent severities. Both his friends and enemies carried their trust in his forbearance and forgiveness to an extreme, and thereby provoked his just resentment. His donations were frequent, liberal, and cheerfully bestowed; yet he has been reckoned a strict economist was probably his attention to economy, among other circumstances, which enabled him to be so extensively and so heartily liberal. He seldom enriched those who served him, but he generally pleased them. His manner was so affable and obliging that it gave a double value to every thing he said or did.

It

He was so illiterate in the earlier part of his life, that he could not write even his own name. Princes were not allowed ordinary education, lest it should cnervate them, and disqualify them for the business of war. Yet he was fond of learning and learned men. He gave the utmost encouragement to the literature of the times. He invited Alcuin, a famous teacher, from England, and by his directions instituted schools and philosophical academies. Schools, with proper masters from Italy, and other places where they could be found, were ordained to be opened in all the cathedral churches and rich abacies; so that before his death the ecclesiastics began to understand the holy scriptures, and the monks their psalter.

'According to the sense in which religion was understood in those times, he appears through the whole of his life to have been pious and devout. He was attentive to ritual worship, and to religious men; and like his predecessors, erected many sacred edifices. His moral conduct corresponded to his religious principles, and to the rude laws by which society was then regulated *.

*Eginhart, c. 19. delicately alludes to a suspicion of scandal, or disorders in his family. Speaking of his daughters, he says, "Quæ cum pulcherrima essent, et ab eo plurimum diligerentur, mirum dictu quod nullam carum cuiquam aut suorum, aut exterorum nuptum dare voluit; sed omnes secum usque ad obitum suum in domo sua retinuit, dicens se earum contubernio carere non posse, ac propter hoc, licet alias felix, adversæ fortunæ malignitatem expertus est, quod tamen ita dissimulavit, ac si de iis nunquam alicujus probri suspicio oita, vel fama dispersa fuisset."

'He