should be attacked because we blocked the way. Pan-German ambition was no new thing in history. It was as old as evil, being the desire to dominate and exploit the world. "It is the old, old lust for power and glory, the old, old greed for trade and wealth." It had been the dream of Babylon, of Persia, of Greece, Rome, Spain, France, and Russia, and now was the German dream. Every German could tell us, if he chose, why Germany would attack Great Britain. Every public man in America, France, Italy and Russia could equally answer the question, and it had been explained over and over again by German writers and speakers. The population of Germany was rapidly increasing, and she needed colonies, while Britain possessed every colony worth having-India, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Egypt, and the best parts of Africa. Germany hungered for trade and prestige. Britain held fortresses and coaling-stations everywhere: Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Capetown, the West Indies, &c. &c. Dover threatened the exit from the North Sea, while the entrance of the Mediterranean was guarded by Gibraltar. Germany sorely needs more ports, a greater seaboard. Belgium and Holland would be to her invaluable: the integrity of Belgium and Holland is guaranteed by Britainand France. How many wars has Russia waged in her efforts to gain access to the sea?" A Glance at 66 GERMANY regards world-domination as her destiny, and is ready to fight for it with an army of four million men, and a fleet second only to ours. We are commercial and political rivals. Our trade, our Colonies, and our commerce were coveted "because Germany, having defeated France and made friends with Austria, and having no fear of Russia for some years to come, feels that Britain is her only dangerous opponent." Finally and emphatically, Germany would attack Great Britain "because she knows herself to be strong, and because she believes that Britain, her rich and influential rival, has grown fat and impotent, and would fall an easy victim to a well-planned, resolute, and powerful attack." German policy was the Bismarckian policy of deliberate and ruthless conquest with world-domination for its goal, while the policy of Great Britain was the expansion of the Empire and the maintenance of the balance of European power. That conflicted with Pan-German plans. "All Europe is to be Teutonised. We are all to be drilled and schooled and uniformed and taxed by Prussian officials, and the Emperor William II. is to rule us with a rod of iron." But the British people did not believe it. "They take little interest in foreign affairs, and less in military matters. The British people do not want to bother, they do not want to pay, they do not want to fight, and they regard as cranks or nuisances all who try to warn them of their danger." But "the danger is very great and is very near. It is greater and nearer than it was when I began to give warning of it nearly five years ago." In reviewing the evidence of German hostility, Mr. Blatchford reminded his readers of Bismarck's brutal statement that German destiny would be worked out not by votes and speeches, but by blood and iron. "Let those who credit Germany with a lamb-like nature ponder that grim phrase," and weigh it in conjunction with certain historic facts. In 1862 Bismarck became Prime Minister of Prussia. He instantly forced through the Reichstag an Army Reorganisation scheme, and the army was reorganised by Moltke and Von Roon. In 1864 Prussia attacked Denmark and annexed Schleswig-Holstein, thereby acquiring Kiel. Two years later Prussia crushed the Austrians in six weeks, and appropriated Hanover, Hesse, and Nassau. In 1870 Bismarck falsified the Ems telegram, annihilated France, and annexed Alsace and Lorraine, besides pocketing an indemnity of 200 millions. The unification of the German Empire followed with the foundation of the largest and most scientific army in the world. "Such was the policy of blood and iron.' WAS there any reason to suppose that the nation which attacked Denmark, Austria and France, would hesitate to attack us if her interests demanded such a step, and she felt sure "The Day" of victory? "Is Germany under William II. more lamb-like than Prussia under Bismarck?" There was abundant evidence of German hostility towards England, including the famous forecast of the great German historian, Professor Treitsche: If our Empire has the courage to follow an independent Colonial policy with determination, a collision of our interests and those of England is unavoidable. It was natural and logical that the new Great Power of Central Europe had to settle affairs with all Great Powers. We have settled our accounts with Austria Hungary, with France and with Russia. The last settlement, the settlement with England, will probably be the lengthiest and most difficult. Mr. Blatchford likewise referred to the significant fact that German naval officers toast "the day,"* i.e., the day of our naval Sedan. Mr. Blatchford referred to the respective attitudes of the two Powers at the Hague Conference, when Germany declined even to consider any suggestion for limiting armaments, but so loth was the Liberal Government to accept the situation that they postponed building British "Dreadnoughts," while Germany "had secretly rushed her naval preparations in the hope of stealing a march on us." British action had been sufficiently significant of what was thought in responsible quarters of German intentions. We had denuded the distant seas in order to concentrate our sea-power in home waters, and were tardily building a base at Rosyth, while we had strained every nerve to establish ententes with France, Russia and Italy, besides an alliance with Japan. Then we had had authoritative public warnings of impending danger. What danger? Surely not an attack by Russia, France, Italy, or America. "By whom then are we so seriously menaced, if not by Germany?" and was it not reasonable to assume that the King's Ministers and exMinisters, and his naval and military advisers, were better informed than the Labour Party and Mr. Winston Churchill? In another article Mr. Blatchford pointed out that the strongest evidence of Germany's designs against Britain was the German Navy. "There can be no stronger evidence of any nation's intention to make war than that afforded by wholesale, feverish, and systematic German Designs preparations for war." This assertion provoked an absurd telegram from Prince Henry of Prussia, the German Emperor's brother, to a minor member of the Potsdam party in this country, describing it as "a beastly lie from beginning to end," but we must remember that, in the eyes of a German patriot, all things are lawful in German interests, and that among the recognised weapons of German diplomacy is what Lord Randolph Churchill once wittily described as "the wilful diffusion of political error with regard to a matter of fact." It was inconceivable that Prince Henry should admit the truth of Mr. Blatchford's allegation, though it is a matter of common knowledge in the German and British navies. No man has worked harder to develop Anglophobia in the German navy than Prince Henry of Prussia, except his brother William II. "Two years ago But to-day Her fleet is built for the North Sea, it is exercised in the North Sea, it remains in the North Sea. Her ships are built against our ships, the object of the German builders being always to go one better than the British in each type. In any discussion of the speed or power of her ships, and in any discussion of the merits of her guns, or the quality of her officers and men, Germany invariably makes her comparison with the guns and ships and men of the British Navy. I do not believe there is a single naval or military officer in England or on the Continent who does not know this and understand it. Consider the magnitude of the German naval preparations. When her programme is completed Germany will have a fleet of at least thirty, and probably fifty, battleships of the "Dreadnought" and super-" Dreadnought" class. But German energy was not confined to the construction of the ships prescribed by the various Naval Acts. There had been a prodigious development of productive plant. we could outbuild and outgun Germany with ease. it is doubtful whether we can build as rapidly or arm as rapidly as she." No one could be so foolish as to suppose that this prodigious fleet was being made for the protection of German commerce, or for use against either Russia or France. "No; it is aimed at the naval supremacy of Britain, and at nothing else in the world." "But the Germans have not confined themselves, as we have, to the building and arming of battleships. They have fortified Heligoland, and are working night and day at a harbour there. They are widening the Kiel Canal. They are constructing or have constructed docks capable of holding ships of the largest class." What might be their other hidden resources no one could say. All their preparations were confined to the North Sea and its tributaries, because it was in the North Sea they meant to fight. Against whom? "Not the Chinese, nor the South American Republics, nor the Danes. No; obviously against the nation which is so wisely sure of German friendship, so sanely convinced of the criminal folly of the Jingoes who take a perverse delight in fomenting mischievous and ridiculous war scares'. 6 Then there were the long quays at Emden, an obscure spot where every preparation had been made for the embarkation of enormous masses of troops. Against whom? "Not against Russia; not against France, which could be so much more easily and effectually assailed by land. No; the long quays were made for the embarkation of an army for the invasion of England. If the long quays were made for any other purpose they were made by fools. Now, the Germans are not fools." GERMANY had always prepared secretly and thoroughly for war while professing peace. "Germany is now preparing for war British upon a greater scale than she ever before attempted, and is at the same time professing peace to us. Germany behaved in the same way to Austria and to France, and when occasion served she fell upon her victims, defeated them, and annexed their territory." On many occasions Germany had manifested furious hatred against this country. The actions and speeches of the Emperor and his Ministers had been frequently hostile, while the German Press had long been sporadically unfriendly. "Germany has during the past eight years made naval preparations on an unprecedented scale, and in three years' time will have an enormous and powerful fleet in the North Sea, and behind the fleet everything needed in the way of construction and armament, and docking and repairing. Germany has ships, quays, equipment, and men ready for an invasion of an enemy's country." The Germans are a nation of soldiers organised, equipped, and ready to move. Germany is the commercial and political rival of Britain. Britain alone stands in the way of Germany's realisation of her dream of world-power and domination. Germany has threatened and warned us over and over again through a thousand tongues and pens." To those who discounted such threats and warnings as the work of irresponsible Chauvinists, Mr. Blatchford replied that it was significant that all such chauvinistic utterances had been borne out by the acts of the-powers-that-be. "The German Government may be doves and lambs, but they have made and continue to make strenuous and gigantic preparations for war with Great Britain." A plausible answer might be found to one piece of evidence, but the cumulative effect of the evidence was overwhelming, and admitted of no other conclusion than that drawn by all capable critics and judges in every country of the globe. Quite evident to the dimmest eyes, and reiterated over and over again by German politicians and military men, is the German motive for hostility to Britain. Very significant is the historic evidence of Germany's past action against Denmark, Austria, and France. Very significant are the anxiety of our soldiers and statesmen and the preparations, naval and military, which our Government has made against a prospective attack which no nation other than Germany is capable of attempting. Very significant are the thousands of abusive or threatening utterances from the Pan-Germanic Party. Most |